Now, whereas it was reported that Bates had accused Father Gerard, and that, upon his accusation Father Gerard was put in the proclamation with the others, that is also apparently disproved by Bates his own letter, written a day or two before his arraignment, and sent unto a Priest his last ghostly Father, who did help him with the Sacraments after his examinations and some weakness showed in them, as may appear also by his letter, whereof the original is kept under his own hand, and may be seen to be the same handwriting which is annexed unto his examinations themselves. The true copy is this:
“Sir, I humbly thank you for your great comfort and pains taken for me. I praise God I find myself more stronger to resist, and do hope shall more and more. Sir, when I was at Hobadge House, where my master was slain, that morning at my going away from him, by reason of the misfortune that fell amongst us by powder, Mr. Christopher Wright flung me out of a window an 100l., and desired me, as I was a Catholic, to give unto his wife and his brother's wife 80l., and take 20l. myself. I took out by guess some 22l., as I think, and left it with a friend of mine, and desired him, if I did miscarry in this action, he should bestow it amongst my children. Now, I would entreat you to give my fellow George instructions what to do in it. I refer it to you. Mr. Wright had of me at times, in money and kine, as much as came to some 28l., but my master told me he would pay me, but he did not. Now whether my wife may take that money out of that I refer to you. Also, further, I have dealt with my keeper to deal with the Clerk of the Council for my pardon, and have promised an 100l. if it may be had, which I made account that money should have served that turn; but I am out of all hope for that, unless it be [pg 211] God's will to deliver me. This morning I was sent for down, and there was a fellow ready with a new suit of fustian, and my keeper made me to essay it, and neither said it was for me nor anything, but I know it was provided for me. The meaning I know not. And before that my Lord of Salisbury asked me what I wanted, and caused the keeper to buy me a new gown, and bade him use me extraordinary well. All this makes me full of doubts, for I fear it is but to serve their own turns of me and then to hang me. Is it not best for me, if the clothes be offered me, to refuse them? I pray you resolve me in that, for I have a purpose to tell the keeper, ‘I have clothes good enough to serve me as long as I live, I fear, and therefore will none.’ I beseech you to send me word what your opinion is in these things being offered me. At my last being before them I told them I thought Mr. Greenway knew of this business, but I did not charge the others with it, but that I saw them all together with my master at my Lord Vaux's, and that after I saw Mr. Walley and Mr. Greenway at Coughton, and it is true. For I was sent thither with a letter, and Mr. Greenway rode with me to Mr. Winter's to my master, and from thence he rode to Mr. Abington's. This I told them and no more. For which I am heartily sorry for, and I trust God will forgive me, for I did it not out of malice but in hope to gain my life by it, which I think now did me no good. Thus desiring your daily prayers I commit you to God.”
This is the true copy of his letter, by which it appears that a man so weak and so ignorant, as here he showeth himself to be, might easily be wrought upon, especially by those means that here he expresseth were used to him; and that such an one to save his life would strain his conscience far, as indeed he did when he saith that he saw those three at my Lord Vaux's; for in truth he did not, nor saw Father Gerard of a year or two before; but if he had seen him in that place at that time, yet that had been [pg 212] no accusation of this treason (as is sufficiently proved in the —[398] chapter where the same matter is handled); and as himself directly saith in this letter, that he did not accuse him at all, nor Father Walley, nor the other neither of knowledge; but only that he thought he knew of the business: whereby it appears that it is not true, which was afterwards affirmed in Father Garnett's arraignment that Bates had told Mr. Greenway of the matter in confession. And this Bates being the only one of the conspirators of whom it was reported that he had accused Father Gerard, which here in plain words you see himself doth say he did not, it remains apparent that never any did accuse him. And this letter under Bates his own hand being haply brought to Father Gerard a little before his departure out of England,[399] he did annex the true copy of the same unto the letters before mentioned, which he had sent unto the Council, and sent them unto a friend to be published by him after his departure; and of them all there be divers copies taken, of which myself have one, in which there is this clause amongst others for his clearing, which methinks doth offer enough, if reason may be accepted and the promise there alleged performed. After he had offered and humbly desired of the Council two sufficient kinds of trial of his cause before specified, seeing that neither of them were performed, in his letter wherewith he published those offers made, he citeth a sentence out of my Lord of Salisbury his book then newly come forth, wherein the Earl declared his mind to be no ways bent to seek the blood of any but such as had themselves laboured to seek the blood of others, saying that he only desired, “Necis artifices arte perire suâ.”[400] This sentence (worthy indeed the pen and practice of a Councillor in so eminent authority[401]) Father [pg 213] Gerard desired should be made the rule or square whereby the line of his accusation might be straitened; and offered that if it could be duly proved, that ever, either in this most unnatural treason or in any other action, he had wrought or sought the death of any man, let him then be punished with as cruel a death as wit of man could devise, and find no eye nor heart to pity him. This was his offer, and then he addeth further: “But if,” saith he, “neither this can be proved nor any proofs of my innocency (whereof there be divers produced for me and none against me) may be in my case admitted, but that I must remain, &c., yet I would not the world should think it doth or can bereave me of that quiet and contentment of mind, which I have in the confident expectation of God's protection and favour;” and so he goeth forward, laying down sufficient reasons for both to the full satisfaction of the reader, both of his innocency touching this accusation and of his willing acceptance of God's blessed will and disposition.
Now to return unto Sir Everard Digby. After he had ended his speech with the foresaid protestation,[402] that he thought assuredly all the Fathers were innocent of this treason, and that he knew for certain that Father Gerard had not so much as any knowledge at all thereof, then the Earl of Northampton made a speech, which he chiefly directed to Sir Everard Digby in answer of that point, especially where Sir Everard urged the King's promise for toleration. And, first, the Earl said that, if he could lament any man upon earth in that case, he could pity him in respect of his worth many ways, and the good opinion he had formerly conceived of him. He witnessed also that Queen Elizabeth esteemed him much, and, to his own knowledge, had spoken of Sir Everard with great grace. Then, after a sufficient discourse, proving by sound reasons the foulness of this treason, his Lordship came to that [pg 214] promise of the King, which there he utterly denied, and proved it by Watson his confession before his death, who had been a chief man to divulge the same before. And that Watson affirmed likewise, he had given out such hopes before contrary to his knowledge, only to move Catholics to a willing acceptance of the King. All which, though we admit as true, being affirmed by the Earl as spoken to himself, yet Catholics are not thereby persuaded that Watson received no such hopes from His Majesty when he kneeled before him in Scotland. For they think it much more likely that Watson, being in this peril of death and in the power of the Council, would misreport his former persuasion of mind and the cause thereof, thereby to please the more, and by pleasing to obtain favour, which divers of his other words at that time, related also in this speech, did plainly show he did both desire and hope for. Whereas, when he returned out of Scotland he had no such cause to dissemble, and to relate such assured promises to so many Catholics, as it is known he did, if himself had been out of hope thereof; yea, and that he did not therein dissemble his sequent actions did apparently prove. For he was the first man that laboured to persuade Catholics to take arms against His Majesty, as hath been declared before (though, thanks be to God, he could prevail but with a very few therein), which, happening within the first year, it appears he ran that contrary course so soon as he had the contrary opinion; which, if he had brought with him out of Scotland (as he affirmed to the Earl of Northampton in the time of his imprisonment), then had it been more easy for him to have persuaded Catholics there was no hope to be had, and so to have kept him out, than after he had assured them the contrary, and the King was settled in his throne, then to persuade them thereunto, which then was much more difficult and unlikely. And, therefore, nothing likely he would first have been so forward to plant that tree, which so soon after himself did first endeavour to [pg 215] cut down, and that with hazard and loss of his life, unless he had first expected other fruit than afterwards he found. But Watson's reports were not the greatest grounds that Catholics did build their hopes upon. Divers men, his betters much, did affirm the same, whose words were more esteemed than either Watson's or Percy's in that cause. It was not the least part of needful policy that such a conceit should run for current in the minds of Catholics generally, and such hopes to be thought likely at that time by whomsoever they were given out, which I will not here dispute; for that persuasion, no doubt, did strengthen much the Catholics' mind, which was found so ready to receive their King with all peace and comfort. And I make no question but if it pleased His Majesty to perform as much as then was hoped, it would prove no less profitable in all respects unto the stability of peace and happiness than pleasing to the receivers, in regard of their ease and mitigation of their afflictions.
Unto the speech of Sir Everard Digby the Earl of Salisbury did likewise answer in defence of the King's word, esteeming that Sir Everard did seem to tax His Majesty with breach of promise, which many think was not the intention of the prisoner, but only to show that, such general hopes being conceived upon some likely ground as they presumed, and now seeing all hopes to fail, they were the more easily induced to run this other course for the redress of their own miseries. And so, against the likelihood of these hopes, the Earl's speech did prove fully that the King had always professed the contrary religion most earnestly, and that His Majesty was so far from giving hope of toleration that he would not endure the least motion thereof to be proposed. And yet the Earl in the same speech declared how His Majesty had dealt favourably with divers principal Catholic gentlemen who were sent for to the Court in the time of Watson his treason before mentioned; at which time [pg 216] finding them free from having their hands in any treason (said the Earl) they were dismissed with encouragement to persist in their dutiful carriage, and that the payments for not going to Church should be forgiven them in respect of their so much loyalty showed at the King's entry, and for that they had afterwards kept themselves so free.[403] In this speech the Earl of Salisbury did show great zeal to defend His Majesty from the least touch of breach of his promise, and therein to disprove that which he thought would be conceived of Sir Everard Digby's words. And though otherwise he acknowledged Sir Everard to be his alliance by marriage, yet it is thought that in regard chiefly of this his speech, he had not his petition granted of being beheaded, but was with all the rest adjudged presently to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, according to the ordinary form of judgment in case of high treason. So then, having received the sentence of death, they were all returned to their prisons until Thursday and Friday following, which were the days of their execution; only Mr. John Winter (being the youngest of the three brothers) was not then put to death, but carried after into the country and suffered at Worcester, as shall afterward be declared.
Sir Everard Digby his death.
On Thursday, therefore, being the 30th of January, four of the eight were drawn upon sledges and hurdles from the Tower to St. Paul's Churchyard, where they were to suffer, vidlt., Sir Everard Digby, Mr. Robert Winter, Mr. John Graunt, and —— Bates. And being arrived there, first Sir Everard Digby was taken off the hurdle and led up to the scaffold, of whom the pamphlet before alleged set forth of their judgment and death as much to disgrace them as might be, yet hath these words, “First went up Digby, a man of a goodly personage and a manly aspect. He enforced himself to speak as stoutly as he could; his speech was not [pg 217] long and to little good purpose, only that his belied conscience (being but indeed a blinded conceit) had led him into this offence, which, in respect of his religion (alias indeed idolatry), he held no offence, but, in respect of the law, he held an offence, for which he asked forgiveness; and so, with vain and superstitious crossing of himself, betook him to his Latin prayers, mumbling to himself, refusing to have any prayers of any but of the Romish Catholics, went up the ladder.” Thus he. By which relation, though set down with much ill-will against him and his religion, yet it is easy to see thereby what state of mind he died in. The truth is he gave great satisfaction to all the standers-by.[404] When he was first brought up to the scaffold, after he had commended himself to God, being wished, as the custom is, to acknowledge his treason for which he died, he did accordingly acknowledge the fact intended according to his judgment, but withal he declared that his motives were no evil will to any, nor any love to himself for worldly respects, but the ending of persecution of Catholics, the good of souls, and the cause of religion. In which regard he could not condemn himself of any offence to God, though he granted he had offended the laws of the realm, for which he asked their pardon, and was willing to suffer death, and thought nothing too much to suffer for those respects which had moved him to that enterprise. The preachers standing by, as the fashion is, did move him to pray with them. He absolutely refused, and desired the assistance and prayers of all good Catholics, himself fell to his prayers with such devotion as much moved all the beholders. And when he had done, he stood up and saluted all the noblemen and gentlemen that stood upon the scaffold, every one according to his estate, to the [pg 218] noblemen with a lower congé, to others with more show of equality, but to all in so friendly and so cheerful a manner, as they afterwards said, he seemed so free from fear of death as that he showed no feeling at all of any passion therein, but took his leave of them as he was wont to do when he went from the Court or out of the city to his own house in the country; yet withal he showed so great devotion of mind, so much fervour and humility in his prayers, and so great confidence in God, as that very many said[405] they made no doubt but his soul was happy, and wished themselves might die in the like state of mind. He was no sooner turned off the ladder but very speedily cut down, and that with such haste as that he fell upon his face, and so somewhat bruised his forehead, yet, though he could not be dead, he made no resistance at the block whilst he was in quartering; and after his bowels and heart were cast into the fire, and his head cut off, the hangman holding it up as is usual to do, it was noted that there was no alteration at all in his countenance, but had the same man-like and comely aspect he had before his death.
Mr Robert Winter his death.
After him went up Mr. Robert Winter, of whom the foresaid pamphlet hath this, “After him went Winter up to the scaffold, where he used few words to any good effect; without asking mercy either of God or the King for his offence, went up the ladder, and making a few prayers to himself, staid not long for his execution.” By which words it may appear that Mr. Winter died much in the like mind and manner as the other gentleman before him. He was esteemed in his life to be one of the wisest and most resolute and sufficient gentlemen in Worcestershire, where he dwelt, as formerly hath been declared.
After him went up Mr. Graunt, who showed extraordinary zeal, as it may appear by the foresaid book, which saith “that he, being abominably blinded with his [pg 219] idolatry, though he confessed his offence to be heinous, yet would fain have excused it by his conscience and religion. He having used a few idle words to ill effect, was, as his fellows before him, led the way to the halter, and so, after his crossing of himself, to the last part of his tragedy.” Whereby it appears he alleged the same reasons and died with the same resolution the former had done.