This was the ground and the only foundation upon which they built that great and slanderous calumniation against all the Jesuits in England; whereas this was no proof at all, but only the single conceit of one simple man, and that only set down as a mere thought of his own head, and but of one of the three. For as for the seeing of them all three at my Lord Vaux's, it is certain that was not true. For I have inquired of the matter since, and so have found it, as I say, to be false; besides, Father Gerard in his letters sent unto the Council in his own purgation, did protest he had not seen that Bates of at least a twelve-month before, and these letters were so sent, as they were received by the Council, whilst Bates was living and in their hands. But Bates perhaps might think it true that he was there at that time, that being the place which was generally supposed to be his chief abode, and so esteemed by the [pg 137] Council themselves, as appeared by the several searches had been made there for him, before as well as after this false suspicion. Besides if he would be there at any time, Bates might think it likely he would not be absent at that time, when two aunts of the Lord Vaux that now is, were come thither in their return from a long journey, who had not been there together of many years before; especially because Bates did suppose that Father Garnett, who was the Superior of all the Society in England, did continue with those two sisters, and was then come with them unto the same house, as Bates did imagine, and that Father Tesimond also did meet him there. All which might be very likely, if Father Garnett did go along in that journey with those devout gentlewomen; for it might well be supposed Father Gerard would not then be missing, but would rather be there of purpose to give his Superior the best entertainment he could procure, and this, if it were so, was cause sufficient, without any thought of the other cause of meeting, which I have heard Father Gerard himself protest, he did not so much as imagine before the thing itself was known to all men. And as for Mr. Catesby his being there, he was near cousin both unto the same Lord Vaux, and his mother who kept the house, and to those two gentlewomen whom he met there at that time, as he had done in many other places, both before and since this conspiracy was dreamt of. And as for Sir Everard Digby, there was more occasion of his being there, and there at that time (as I have since learned), for that he was a near neighbour and a great and tried friend unto the same Lord Vaux and his mother, as it was very well known unto divers of the Council, and the same also allowed of and well liked by them, with whom he had dealt concerning the said Lord and his mother about a match that should have been between the Lord Chamberlain[335] his daughter and the young Lord Vaux.

So that Sir Everard Digby had many serious occasions to come to my Lord Vaux's; and then in particular, as I have learned since, being come from his ancient house and chief living which lay in Rutlandshire, from whence he could not go unto the house[336] where his wife and family lay, but he must pass by the door of my Lord Vaux his house, which also made him there an ordinary guest.

So that all this supposal had been nothing if it had been true; and as Bates neither did nor could affirm it to be true that the three Jesuits were there, but only that the two gentlewomen were there, taking their sister's house in their way at their return, and his master also, and Sir Everard Digby met them, of which one also came merely by chance; what the other did I know not. And whereas I say that Bates did not affirm this of the Jesuits, no, nor of their only being in the house, so absolutely as he did affirm that he afterwards saw Father Garnett and Father Tesimond in Warwickshire, shall appear in his own words, when I set down his letter, whereof I have the true copy.

But yet this doubtful and uncertain affirmation of his, which, if it had been most true and certain, had been also certain to be no proof at all or just cause of presumption, where there were so many other causes concurring which would have required the being of Father Gerard in that house at that time (if that were the place of his most residence), yet was this no cause made cause sufficient of great trouble to that noble family. For presently there was commission granted out for a most severe search to be made in that house of my Lord Vaux's, and also in another house of the said Lord's three miles off, lest perhaps Father Gerard might be kept there in that troublesome time. The commission was directed to the most forward Puritans of the country, with strict charge not only to search narrowly for the said Father, [pg 139] but whether they found him or not, to keep possession of the house and the keys of the rooms, until the Commissioners should have further order from the Council. All this and much more was performed in so strict manner as might be. For although the Lord Vaux and his mother were very much beloved and respected in all the country, he being the most ancient Baron and first in place of all the shire, and so linked to most houses of worth within the shire that it was hard to find any man of account therein that was not either akin or allied or a dear friend unto their house; yet all this notwithstanding, the search was most severe, as I have been credibly informed by those that were present. The house was beset with at least a hundred men, and those well appointed. The young Lord made no resistance, as having no cause to fear, but brought the Commissioners presently in to his mother, who delivered unto them all the keys of her house, and willed them to use their pleasure. They searched for two or three days continually, and searched with candles in cellars and several dark corners. They searched every cabinet and box in her own closet for letters, in hope to find some little scroll that might show Father Gerard had been an actor in this treason, or that she or her son had received some knowledge of it. But they found not with all this diligence the least tittle of advantage in the matter, insomuch that the chief man in commission for this search (though an earnest Puritan) yet sent a very full information unto the Council that he had found the house most clear, the young Lord and his mother very respective unto authority, admitting any kind of search or inquiry that he could desire and yet very confident in their own innocency; and that he found not any preparation in the house for war, or any show at all that they had the least knowledge of any such attempt intended.

Notwithstanding, this information sent after full trial [pg 140] made by search, the Council sent for the young Lord and his mother up to London presently, where they were both examined; the young Lord by my Lord Salisbury alone, who cleared himself so by his answer that he was no further restrained, but only commanded to stay in the city of London. His mother was examined before the whole Council, where she did clear herself fully from all cause of suspicion in that treason, and affirmed constantly, that although she were a firm Catholic, and so would live and die by the grace of God, yet that fact she did as much mislike and condemn as themselves; and that so she had been taught by those that had care of her soul. They urged her that she knew Father Gerard, and had received him many times into her house. She answered she hoped none could justly accuse her that she had received either him or any other Priest, and that she would not accuse herself, the same being a Penal Law. They insisted she was bound to tell of him, for that he was known to be a traitor and a chief plotter of this action. She answered with serious protestation, that she had never the least cause to think so of him (if she did know him, as they presupposed); and said that she had heard so much good of the man (though she did not know him) that she would pawn her whole estate, yea, and her life also, that he was not guilty of that Plot, nor justly to be touched with it. Then the Council produced a letter which she had written unto the Sheriff of Warwickshire, her cousin, for the delivery of two Priests, who were taken passing through the country after the stirs were begun, which letter the sheriff had sent unto the Council (more like a Puritan as he is, than a kinsman as he should be). This letter, said the Lords of the Council, being written for the delivery of Strange, the Jesuit (now in the Tower, and since very sore tortured, as I shall afterwards declare), and for another Priest, one of Blackwell the Archpriest his assistants, and the same [pg 141] also written in so earnest and effectual manner, doth convince you to be guilty of treason in that Statute of aiding Priests.[337] She answered that she wrote for them indeed, and that she desired much to set them free, but she knew them not to be Priests, but took them for Catholic gentlemen that came sometimes to her house as others did, and looked nothing like Priests. Then finally, some of the Council said, that whereas she was now in the King's mercy to live or die, she should have her life and lose nothing of her estate, if she would tell where Gerard the Jesuit was to be found. She answered, she knew not; but if she did know she would not tell it them to save her life and many lives. “Why then,” said they, “Lady, you must die.” “Why then, I will die, my Lords,” said she, “for I will never do the other.” So they sent her away to prison, not to an ordinary gaol, but to a rich Alderman's house in London, where she was well respected, and yet kept so close that not her own son might come to see her, only she had a gentlewoman of her own to attend her. There were also divers of her servants committed to several prisons, and often and strictly examined with many menacings if they would not confess Father Gerard to have been at the Lord Vaux his house, but nothing could be wrung out of them. The house in the country was all this while watched within and without for nine or ten days together, that if Father Gerard were still in the house hid in any secret place, he either might be starved to death, or by famine forced to come out. And for two or three miles round about the house there was watch kept in the country, and all passengers examined in desire to find the said Father, but all in vain; for where God will protect, man's forces or policies are frustrate, “et deficient scrutantes scrutinio.”[338]

Soon after this search was past, Father Gerard lying [pg 142] secretly in another country, and understanding how that house had been severely searched for him as for one of this conspiracy, he thought it fit and needful to show his innocency in the matter by a public letter, which he performed presently, and I have read the letter. It contained, first, some reasons why he did seek to clear himself, and that by the way of protestation, the matter being true and just and in re gravi. Then he did solemnly and seriously protest before God and all the Court of Heaven, that he was never privy to the matter, nor had heard so much as one word of that Plot of Powder before the thing itself was discovered and the knowledge thereof brought unto him by public fame; and that his meaning was, he had not known of it either in secret or otherwise, no, not so much as in confession. Also he did exclude all equivocation so far forth, that if he did in any sort equivocate in this protestation, he did yield himself as guilty of the whole both in the sight of God and men. Further he alleged divers reasons why it was not likely he should know thereof, as in respect of the badness of the matter, which he utterly disliked and condemned, no man more. In respect of his estate and the prohibition he had received from his Superiors, not to meddle with any State matters at all; and much less with any such outrageous attempt. Also, that the Council had tried him sufficiently in those matters in the time of Queen Elizabeth's reign, when they had him in their hands from three years and more, often labouring to have found him guilty, or to have him confess he had dealt in State matters; but he was ever found clear, insomuch that they could not produce the least word of his writing or witness against him in all that time of his imprisonment, nor find him guilty in the least point, although they put him to the uttermost trials to see whether force or favour would sooner prevail with him. Then further in this letter he alleged, that if in Queen [pg 143] Elizabeth's time it could not be proved he had meddled in any matters of State, much more it was to be presumed he would be far from dealing in this highest kind of treason, and that against this King, for whom it was well known his father had suffered and lost much, whereof it pleased His Majesty to take knowledge unto his brother at his first coming to the Crown. And lastly, he said he was so far from ever consenting or knowing of any such matter, that he offered freely, if either before his taking or after,[339] it could be proved, that ever he had any kind of knowledge of that Plot of Powder, that then he would freely give them leave, whensoever it should please God to deliver him into their hands, to put him to all the torments could be imagined, and pull one piece of him from another, and withal that all men of what side or sect soever should then repute him as a perjured creature, and to have neither faith to God nor man. This was the effect of his letter in brief, the letter itself containing a sheet or two of paper, which letter being published in London, did give great satisfaction not only to Catholics (who could not easily believe such reports of him before) but even to the Protestants themselves. Yea, it was showed unto the King himself by an Earl in great favour with His Majesty, and His Highness for that time was very well satisfied therewith.

But notwithstanding this and the general opinion which most men conceived of his innocency, and although there were no proof at all or sufficient grounds to proceed against any of the rest, yet such was the settled resolution of some to bring them into the suspicion and slander of this treason, that they proposed it unto His Majesty as a thing very requisite, to have a public proclamation sent forth against the Jesuits, and first to begin with these three, meaning to bring in the rest also by degrees. The King referred the matter unto the Council, as his manner [pg 144] is. The cause was therefore discussed at the council-table, and being proposed by those that were of great authority in that place, it was not much gainsaid, at least for two of the three. But for the third, which was Father Gerard, it was answered by some, that there was no reason he should be put in the number; and one Earl at the table, being of great account both for wisdom and learning, said that sith Gerard had so fully cleared himself by so ample a protestation and was a gentleman, he thought it was very hard to lay so severe a punishment upon him, upon the single accusation of one witness, and he but a base fellow and in fear of his life. For it was then supposed that Bates did accuse all these three, and perhaps so proposed also to make the matter seem more justly grounded. But it was not so, as will appear in the words of Bates his letter hereafter. But neither this pious answer, nor truth itself, which I doubt not answered for all the three in the conscience of those that most furthered this cruel course, could anything at all prevail against the course which was before intended, insomuch that it was there resolved a proclamation should presently be sent forth against those three before named. Yea, and Father Gerard was put in the first place, as if he had been the principal person of the three, which though some do think to have been done only by the penner of the proclamation in respect of his blood or kindred in the world, which they (looking only with fleshly eyes) make more account of than of spiritual dignities; yet sure it was done of purpose, to make him the more odious thereby, and to hide the want of proof which they had against him: that when all men did see him set before the other two, whereof one was his Superior, and the other his ancient every way, they might the rather think there was some great matter found out against him. And so all men might be incensed the more to betray him or apprehend him, for that was the chief [pg 145] intention of the proclamation against all the three. And to that end in the proclamation, first the names of the persons and the nature of their supposed offence was set down; then a subtle inducement joined with a serious commandment unto all men to discover them and to help to apprehend them, unto which also was annexed large promises to those that should be found the particular instruments of their apprehension; and lastly, a severe protestation that whosoever should presume to be a harbourer, maintainer, or concealer of any of them, or should not do their best for their discovery or apprehension, that they should hope for no mercy, but that the laws should be most severely executed upon them, as upon persons no less pernicious than the actors and concealers of the main treason itself. In the end of all the three persons were described, that they might the better be known, by their stature, their colour, and countenance. By all which it may appear how violent a desire of their apprehension those had who procured the proclamation, as the most forcible and likely means to that effect. I pray God avert the violence of His justice from their souls, and send them to find mercy, when this forcible proceeding of theirs doth come to be examined. For otherwise a dreadful doom must be expected, “quia potentes potenter tormenta patientur: horrende et cito apparebit eis,”[340] saith the wise man. I pray God they may prevent it, before it light upon them; otherwise this blow will hurt and wound the strikers much more than them against whom it was intended.[341]

This proclamation being published in London, it was presently carried into all the market-towns of England (as the custom is) to be there proclaimed, to the end that all men taking notice of the names and the description of the persons of these three supposed traitors, it might be unpossible in any short time for any of them to pass safely through any town, but that they would be descried, discovered, and apprehended. So that they were now to be esteemed in all human likelihood, “tanquam oves occisionis,” like sheep designed to the slaughter. “Sed ira viri justitiam Dei non operatur;”[342] and whom God will protect “nemo potest rapere de manu illius.”[343] God provided for them such friends as knew their innocency well, and did most willingly adventure with them, not regarding the threats nor respecting the promises in the proclamation of a straw. Yea, I know where some of them refused the earnest entreaties of some persons of great worth instantly desiring to have had them in their houses. But they were well and safely provided for, for insomuch that until this day two of them were never in danger to fall into their enemies' hands, “sed liberati sunt de manu Herodis et de omni expectatione plebis Judæorum.”[344] And the third was provided for sufficiently in a house of great safety, and where he might have continued long enough without [pg 147] danger, if he had not been by God's permission betrayed into their hands as his Master was; “sed advenerat hora ejus.”[345] And he that betrayed him for “Quid vultis mihi dare?”[346] had a halter for his pains, as Judas had, though he died not desperate, as Judas did, but very penitent for his fact, as the sequent chapters shall declare.