It was evident to Lord Aberdeen that the attitude adopted by Mr. Pritchard might at any moment produce some disagreeable incident, the danger of a chance collision being enhanced by the ill-feeling which prevailed between the French and British naval officers. He decided, therefore, to appoint Major-General Miller, upon whose prudence and judgment he could depend, consul-general of the Pacific Islands, and to place under his orders all the British consuls in the South Seas. At the same time, he sent off instructions to Mr. Pritchard enjoining him to recommend a prudent line of conduct to Queen Pomare and carefully “to avoid any expression calculated to encourage her or her chiefs to expect assistance from England.” Her Majesty’s government, whilst strongly disapproving the action of the French authorities at Tahiti and deploring the humiliations inflicted upon the Queen, “was precluded from interfering authoritatively on her behalf.”[767] But, before this despatch could reach its destination, Admiral Dupetit-Thouars reappeared at Tahiti. On this occasion he had returned to complain of some incident connected with the hoisting of a flag. After a few days spent in investigating the matter, he pronounced the islanders to be animated by a thoroughly bad spirit. On November 6, 1843, Queen Pomare was declared deposed, and Tahiti a French possession. Having issued this proclamation the admiral proceeded to land troops and to occupy the island. In his despatch to his government, explaining the reasons which had induced him to take this step, he imputed the chief blame for the unrest of the natives to Mr. Pritchard.[768]
The news of these events reached Europe in the month of February, 1844, and evoked a great outburst of indignation in England. Louis Philippe and M. Guizot were again placed in a most embarrassing situation. Should they refuse to uphold the action of the admiral, their conduct would be assailed on all sides as a cowardly betrayal of French interests at the bidding of England. On the other hand, the ratification of his act, if it should not entail war, must certainly put an end to “the cordial understanding,” the maintenance of which, for the present, was essential to the successful execution of their Spanish policy. Of these two alternatives, the second unquestionably presented the greatest disadvantages. At a Cabinet Council, on February 25, it was decided to adhere to the protectorate, but to disavow the last proceedings of Admiral Thouars and to reinstate Queen Pomare in the sovereignty of which she had been deprived.[769] A few weeks later, on April 10, Lord Aberdeen informed Mr. Pritchard that he would be transferred to the Navigator Islands. In deciding to remove him from Tahiti, the government in no way desired to express disapprobation of his past conduct, but, for the sake both of his own comfort and of the maintenance of good relations with France, it was felt to be advisable to replace him by some person who had not been connected with the transactions of the past two years.[770] This measure of precaution was, however, of no avail. A month before the despatch of these instructions Mr. Pritchard had departed from Tahiti, but under very different circumstances from those contemplated by Lord Aberdeen. The disavowal of Admiral Thouars was made the subject of a fierce attack in the Chamber upon the Soult-Guizot Cabinet. In the course of the debates, certain deputies displayed great hostility to England and indulged in much intemperate language. This ebullition of temper was not treated very seriously in England. But it was a different matter when the Prince de Joinville, who was a strong supporter of Admiral Thouars, saw fit to publish a pamphlet, in which the question of a war with Great Britain was discussed in all its bearings. Only the year before His Royal Highness had been the guest of Queen Victoria at Windsor, and the appearance of his work, entitled Note sur l’état des forces navales de la France, created a most disagreeable impression at Court, upon the government and upon all classes of the people. Louis Philippe, who had never authorized the publication of his son’s imprudent pamphlet, was genuinely distressed and did all in his power to suppress it.[771]
Public attention, however, was speedily diverted from the Prince de Joinville to the Tsar. Suddenly, on May 31, 1844, the Court was informed that Nicholas would arrive on a visit to England within the next twenty-four hours. At Ascot races and at the various festivities which were hastily arranged in his honour, his appearance excited universal curiosity. On every occasion it was plainly his intention to impress, not only the Court and high society, but all classes of the people with the sincerity of his desire to establish the most friendly relations between his empire and Great Britain.[772] To Peel, Aberdeen and Wellington, with whom he had some confidential conversations, he was at pains to contrast his respect and affection for England with the dislike and the contempt with which he regarded Louis Philippe, M. Guizot, and the French nation generally. Sir Robert Peel, however, appears to have told him plainly that he and his colleagues were most desirous that, at the death of Louis Philippe, his crown should pass to his next heir in the Orleans line without disturbance or opposition. But having given emphatic expression to his hatred of the July Monarchy, Nicholas put forward a distinct proposal. Turkey was sick, very sick, upon the point of death. It would be a critical moment when the Ottoman empire should break up completely. Nevertheless, he apprehended danger only from the ambitious and aggressive spirit of the French. Let, therefore, England, Austria and Russia agree to act in concert, without reference to France, and all would be well.[773] The British ministers would not appear altogether to have rejected this proposition. But it is difficult to believe the story[774] that distinct pledges on the subject were given, and that Nicholas, in consequence, was tempted to embark upon those measures which were to result in the Crimean war. It is unnecessary, however, to discuss here whether the conferences of 1844 were in any degree responsible for the war ten years later. The Tsar’s visit had no immediate effect upon the European situation in general, or upon Franco-British relations in particular. Nothing that he had said or done during his nine days’ stay in England had in any way impaired “the cordial understanding.” He had probably a shrewd idea, however, that complications in more than one direction would, before long, greatly endanger its existence. An instinctive perception of coming trouble may have been the secret of his sudden determination to visit England.
On June 6, three days before the departure of the Tsar, Aberdeen was informed officially that French troops might not improbably be ordered to enter the territory of the Emperor of Morocco.[775] The famous Arab chieftain, Abd-el-Kader, with whom the French had been at war for a long time past, had recently sought refuge within the frontiers of the Moorish empire. On former occasions, when hard pressed, he had eluded capture in this manner. Representations had frequently been made at Fez, on the subject of the facilities which were alleged to have been afforded him for renewing the struggle. These complaints, however, had hitherto produced little or no effect, and Marshal Bugeaud, the governor of Algiers, consequently urged the adoption of stronger measures. Neither Louis Philippe nor his ministers desired to begin hostilities, but, on May 30, 1844, a French force, under General de Lamoricière, was attacked by a body of Moroccan cavalry upon the Algerian side of the frontier. The situation at once assumed a very grave character. The French consul at Tangier was instructed to proceed to Fez to demand the punishment of the Moorish commander, the expulsion of Abd-el-Kader, and the withdrawal of the troops assembled close to the French frontier. At the same time, a squadron under the Prince de Joinville was despatched to Moroccan waters[776] and preparations were made for reinforcing Marshal Bugeaud.
The news that hostilities were impending caused great dissatisfaction in England. Ministers were questioned upon the subject in both Houses and the press commented upon the affair with much acrimony. Under pretext of obtaining redress for some more or less imaginary grievance, Morocco, it was predicted, would be invaded and, without doubt, permanently occupied. The fate which had befallen the Dey of Algiers was assuredly reserved for the Emperor of Morocco. This general feeling of uneasiness and suspicion was increased by the selection of the Prince de Joinville, the author of the recent pamphlet, for the command of the squadron sent to cruise off Tangier.[777] The two governments, nevertheless, maintained their friendly communications. M. Guizot gave the most positive assurances that every effort would be made to settle the affair peacefully, and undertook that, should hostilities break out, Tangier[778] would not be bombarded nor would any portion of Morocco be appropriated. Aberdeen was not prepared to deny that the French government had grave cause for complaint. Although it had been considered necessary for the protection of British interests that a squadron should be sent to the Moroccan coast, the British fleet in those waters, he promised the French ambassador, would be numerically inferior to that of the Prince de Joinville.[779] Had he regarded it as in the smallest degree probable that his proposal would be accepted, he would, doubtless, have suggested that England should act as mediator in the quarrel. But, in spite of the fact that “the cordial understanding” had been loudly proclaimed, the idea of allowing England to interfere would have been so unpopular in France that no government could have ventured to entertain it. Under these circumstances Aberdeen could only direct Mr. Drummond Hay, the British consul at Tangier, to proceed to Fez and to endeavour to prevail upon the Emperor to acquiesce in the French demands. Notwithstanding that the Moors had a second time attacked the column of General de Lamoricière, strong hopes were entertained, at the end of July, that actual war might still be averted.
On July 30, 1844, The Times announced the startling news that Mr. Pritchard, the British consul at Tahiti, had arrived in England, after having been arrested, cast into a dungeon and finally expelled from the island by the French military authorities. In answer to a question put to him, the following night, by Sir Charles Napier in the House of Commons, Sir Robert Peel declared that, if the reports which the government had received were true, “a gross outrage” had undoubtedly been perpetrated. But, when the next day M. de Jarnac spoke to Lord Aberdeen on the subject, he was authorized to inform M. Guizot that the Prime Minister could not admit that his words had been correctly reported in the morning papers.[780] The first accounts of Mr. Pritchard’s case would seem to have been somewhat inaccurate. When all the circumstances were brought to light, it was evident that the British government had just cause to complain of the treatment which he had experienced, but it was, at the same time, no less clear that his own conduct had been most injudicious. Immediately upon the proclamation of French sovereignty over Tahiti, Mr. Pritchard struck his flag and sent a protest to Admiral Thouars. From this moment he assumed so anomalous a position that it is not surprising that the French governor, Admiral Bruat, should have refused to recognize it. According to Pritchard’s own statement, he “continued to perform his functions as consul, except in corresponding with the French authorities, and continued to act as the accredited agent of Great Britain to Queen Pomare.” Furthermore, he appears to have invited the deposed Queen to take up her abode in his house, where she stayed until, “considering it not safe to remain on shore,” she decided to go on board H.M.S. Dublin, which was lying in the harbour of Papeete.[781]
The natives meanwhile were growing restless and evincing a determination to resist the imposition of foreign rule. Their hostility, in the opinion of the French officers, was to be ascribed mainly to the pernicious example set them by Mr. Pritchard. No event of importance, however, occurred until March 2, 1844, on which date, during the absence of the governor from Papeete, a French sentry was alleged to have been assaulted by a native. M. d’Aubigny, the senior officer on the spot, thereupon proclaimed martial law throughout the island and decreed the arrest of Mr. Pritchard, who was forthwith imprisoned in an underground chamber beneath the guard room of a block house. After he had been in captivity for four days and had endured much discomfort, Admiral Bruat returned to Papeete. The governor, perceiving at once that his subordinate had acted with undue precipitation, ordered the release of Mr. Pritchard and his removal to a British vessel, The Cormorant, which, on March 13, quitted the island and carried him to Valparaiso.[782]
“Never since I have been in this country,” wrote M. de Jarnac, “have I seen anything to equal the excitement which the news from Tahiti has aroused. The religious party took up the case at once. Meetings of the ‘Saints’ have been convened, violent speeches have been delivered all over the country, and pictures representing certain of the events connected with the affair have been exhibited. The papers are very violent. Lord Aberdeen appears to be growing more apprehensive daily. He is convinced that some form of satisfaction must be given. He wishes, however, to leave the initiative of proposing it to Your Excellency: but I happen to know that the plan of sending Mr. Pritchard straight back to Tahiti has been under discussion by the Cabinet.”[783] In France the excitement was scarcely less intense. The newspapers, with one accord, called loudly upon the government to stand by its officers, and to deny Great Britain any kind of reparation, even at the risk of war. The production of Charles IV. at the Opera House evoked a furious manifestation of hostility to England. Fortunately, however, the session was brought to a close on August 5, and, in the meantime, M. Guizot resolutely refused to make any statement about the affair in the Chambers.[784]
But although the prorogation afforded him some relief, M. Guizot was, nevertheless, in a position of extreme difficulty. His friends unceasingly warned him that he must resist the demands of England, or be prepared to succumb to the outburst of popular indignation which any concessions would provoke.[785] Under these circumstances he decided that complete inaction was, for the present, the safest course to adopt. “The greater the excitement,” he instructed Jarnac, “the more necessary it becomes to allow it time to cool down. For the moment we must abstain from all discussion of the subject.” Nevertheless, when interviewing Aberdeen, he would do well to bring forward those arguments which he himself was employing in his conversations with Lord Cowley. Stress should be laid upon the fact that Pritchard had ceased to act as consul. As a private individual whose presence was regarded as prejudicial to good order, the colonial authorities had a universally acknowledged right to expel him. At the same time, however, it could not be denied that “some of the proceedings which had attended his removal had been irregular. . . .”[786]