Hec est finalis concordia facta apud Legr[ecestr]am proxima die Jovis post proximum festum apostolorum petri et pauli postquam Hugucio legatus Rome pervenit in Angliam,[8] coram Hugonem de Gundevile et Willelmo filio Radulfi et Willelmo Basset, Justiciariis domini Regis, et ceteris Baronibus qui ibi tunc aderant Inter Galfridum Ridel et Bertramum de Verdun de terra de Madeleye, unde placitum fuit inter eos in curia Domini Regis, Videlicet quod Galfridus Ridel dedit Bertrammo [sic] de Verdun feodum i militis in Leycest'syre, scilicet servitium viii. car. terre quas Robert Devel tenet in Swineford et in Walecote et servitium ii. car. terre quas Walterus de Folevile tenet in parva Essebi et servitium i car. terre quam peverel tenet in Flekeneye, et servitium i. car. terre quam Hardeui[nus] tenet in eadem Flekeneye. Et has xii. car. terre dedit ei et concessit in feodo et hereditate per servicium unius militis. Et in Staffordesyre dedit predictus Galfridus prenominato Bretamo [sic] xii. bov. terre quas habebat in Crokestene de feodo de Madelye et servitium de Foxwiss et de Hanekote per v. sol. inde annuatim reddendos Galfrido pro omnibus que ad illum pertinent. Has vero terras in Leycest'syre et in Staffordsyre dedit Galfridus Ridel et concessit Bertramo et heredibus suis tenendas de illo et de heredibus suis in feodo et hereditate libere et quiete per prenominatum servitium pro omnibus que ad illum pertinent, et pro ista donatione et concessione Bertrammus [sic] de Werdun [sic] totam calumpniam quam habuit versus Galfridum in Madeleye quietum clamavit de illo et de heredibus suis Galfrido Ridel et heredibus suis.[9]
II
Hec est finalis concordia que facta fuit apud Ox[eneforde] in curia Regis coram Ricardo Giffard et Rogero filio Reinfr[idi] et Johanne de Caerdif Justitiis Regis ... proximum festum apostolorum petri et pauli postquam dominus Rex cepit ligantiam baronum Scotie apud [Ebo]racum[10] inter Canonicos Oseneie et Ingream et tres filias eius scilicet Gundream et Isabella et Margaretam de terre de Oxenef[orde] unde placitum fuerat inter eos in curia Regis scilicet quod Ingrea et tres filie sue prenominate clamaverunt predictis canonicis quietam terram illam in Oxenenef[orde] de se et de heredibus suis pro xx. sol. quos canonici illi dederunt et omne jus quod in eadem terra habebant quietum illis clamaverunt.[11]
It will be observed that the Oxford fine is described as made 'in curia regis', while the Leicester one is not. It would seem, then, that in spite of the distinction drawn at first on the rolls, the phrase 'curia regis' was already creeping in as describing a court at which the king was not present.
I have also discovered, in MS., a 'fine' of some ten or twelve years earlier, most valuable for comparison with those which I have here discussed. We have there a similar charter of confirmation, in which the king describes the transaction as 'finem illum quem Abbas Willelmus de Hulmo fecit coram me',[12] and the document confirmed, moreover, describes itself as a 'finis' between the Abbot of Holme and William and Henry de Neville, brothers.[13] But the form is very different from that of the true fine, which is fully developed in our example of 1175. The Holme 'fine' may be safely assigned to March 1163-March 1166,[14] and as it was 'made' at Westminster, it not improbably belongs to the series of proceedings there circ. March 8, 1163. It may fairly be presumed that if, at the date of this fine, the fully developed form existed it would have been duly employed at Westminster on this occasion. We may therefore safely assert, at least, that it came into use between the dates of these two transactions.
As bearing on the evolution of the fine, the charter of Henry II, confirming a 'finis et concordia', and assigned by me to 1163-70,[15] ought to be compared with the Holme charter, as indicating, perhaps, some advance, through the close resemblance between the clauses, in these royal charters, confirming the fine points to an almost common stage of development.
| Holme | Lewes |
|---|---|
| Quare volo et firmiter precipio quod finis ille sicut coram me factus est stabilis sit, et firmiter et inconcusse ex utraque parte teneatur. | Et ideo volo et firmiter precipio ut finis iste et concordia stabilis sit et firma maneat et inconcusse inter eos teneatur, sicut facta fuit coram me et utrobique concessa. |
The part played by William fitz Audelin in the affairs, at this time, of Ireland, gives also some importance to this proof of his presence at Evesham on July 20, 1175. It brings us, indeed, in contact with the great 'Laudabiliter' controversy. Miss Norgate holds that William fitz Audelin was sent to Ireland in charge (with the Prior of Wallingford) of that contested document in 1175.[16] Professor Tout, in his biography of William, writes on the contrary, oddly enough, that he was 'sent in 1174 or 1175' [sic] on this mission, but 'soon left Ireland, for he appears as a witness of the treaty of Falaise in October 1174 [sic], and in 1175 and 1176 he was constantly in attendance at court in discharge of his duties as steward or seneschal'.[17] This confusion, however, is slight when compared with the statements as to William's tenure of the government of Ireland. It is agreed that he was sent to succeed Earl Richard (who died April 5, 1176); but while Miss Norgate holds that 'early in the next year Henry found it necessary to recall him',[18] Professor Tout places his recall in 1179, consequent on complaints against him to the king in January of that year. Without undertaking to decide the question, I may suggest that William had returned to England by May 1177—for he is proved by charters to have attended the Oxford council of that date—when Henry replaced him, as governor, by Hugh de Lacy, but entrusted him, as Hoveden states, with Wexford. We have only to assume that Gerald, by mistake, assigns to 1172 his Wexford appointment, which really belonged to 1177 (Professor Tout thinks this probable), and then the solution I suggest satisfies all the requirements.