Lastly, there is the remarkable arrangement for securing the validity of the charter. Let us look at this closely.[559] We should first notice that the Empress describes it, not as a charter, but as a "convencio et donatio." Now this "convencio" is a striking term, for it virtually denotes a treaty between two contracting powers. This conception of treaty relations between the Crown and its subjects is one of the marked peculiarities of this singular reign. It is clearly foreshadowed in those noteworthy charters which the powerful Miles of Gloucester secured from Stephen at his accession, and it meets us again in the negotiations between the youthful Henry of Anjou, posing as the heir to the crown, and the great nobles, towards the close of this same reign. It is in strict accordance with this idea that we here find the Empress naming those who were to be her sureties for her observance of this "convencio," precisely as was done in the case of a treaty between sovereign powers.[560] The exact part which the King of France was to play in this transaction is not as clear as could be wished, but the expression "capere in manu" is of course equivalent to his becoming her "manucaptor," and "tenere" is here used in the sense of "to hold good."[561] The closing words in which "the Lady of England" declared that all the Church of Christ then beneath her sway shall undertake to be responsible for her keeping faith, present a striking picture: but yet more vivid, in its dramatic intensity, is that of the undaunted Empress, the would-be Queen of the English, standing in her water-girdled citadel, surrounded by her faithful followers, and playing, as it were, her last card, as she placed her hand, in token of her faith, in the grip of the Iron Earl.[562]
It was only, indeed, the collapse, to all appearance, of her fortunes, that could have tempted Geoffrey to demand, or have induced the Empress to concede, terms so preposterously high. The fact that she was hoping, at this moment, to allure her husband to her side, that he might join her in a crowning effort, explains her eagerness to secure allies, at the cost of whatever sacrifice, and also, in consequence, the anxiety of those allies to bind her to her promises hard and fast. It further throws light on the constant reference throughout this charter to Geoffrey of Anjou and his son.
Turning to the names of her proposed sureties, we find among them five earls, of whom the Earls of Norfolk and of Pembroke invite special notice. The former had played a shifty part from the very beginning of the reign. He appears to have really fought for his own hand alone, and we find him, the year after this, joining the Earl of Essex in his wild outburst of revolt. With Pembroke the case was different. He had been among the nobles who, the Christmas before, had assembled at Stephen's court, and had attested the charter there granted to the Earl of Essex. He may, in the interval, have quarrelled with Stephen and joined the party of the Empress; but I think the occurrence of his name may be referred, with more probability, to another cause, that of his family ties. It is, indeed, to family ties that we must now turn our attention.
The Earl of Essex had included, as we have seen, in his demands on this occasion, provisions in favour of certain of his relatives, including apparently his sisters' husbands. But these by no means exhausted the concessions he had resolved to exact. He had come prepared to offer the Empress the support, not only of himself, but of a powerful kinsman and ally. This was his wife's brother, Aubrey de Vere.
It will be better to relegate to an appendix the relationship of these two families, without a clear understanding of which it is impossible to grasp Geoffrey's scheme, or to interpret aright these charters in their relation to one another, and in their bearing as parts of a connected whole. Unfortunately, the errors of past genealogists have rendered it a task of some difficulty to ascertain the correct pedigree.[563]
When the fact has been established on a sure footing that Aubrey stood in the relation of wife's brother to Geoffrey, we may turn to the charter upon which my narrative is here founded.
This is a charter of the Empress to Aubrey at Oxford. Mr. Eyton had, of course, devoted his attention to this, as to the other charters, in his special studies on the subject, but his fatal mistake in assigning both this and the above charter to Geoffrey to the year 1141 deprives his conclusions of all value. We may note, however, that he argued from the mention, in the charter granted to Geoffrey, of "Earl Aubrey," that it must, in any case, be subsequent to the charter by which Aubrey was created an earl. He, therefore, dated the latter as "circ. July, 1141," and the former "circ. August, 1141" (or "between July 25 and Aug. 15, 1141").[564] This reasoning could at once be disposed of by pointing out that the Empress accepted her new ally and supporter as "Earl Aubrey" already. Of this, however, more below. But the true answer is to be found in the fact, which Mr. Eyton failed to perceive, that these two charters were not only granted simultaneously, but formed the two complements of one connected whole. In the light of this discovery the whole episode is clear.
It is now time to give the charter with the grounds for believing in its existence and authenticity. We have two independent transcripts to work from. One of them was taken from the Vere register by Vincent in 1622, and printed by him in his curious Discoverie of Brook's Errors. The other was taken, apparently, in 1621, and was used by Dugdale for his Baronage. Vincent's original transcript is preserved at the College of Arms, and this I have used for the text. But we have, fortunately, strong external testimony to the existence of the actual document. There is printed in Rymer's Fœdera (xiii. 251) a confirmation by Henry VIII. (May 6, 1509) of this very charter, in which he is careful to state that it was duly exhibited before him.[565] Thus, from an unexpected source we obtain the evidence we want. It must further be remembered that our knowledge of these twin charters comes from two different and unconnected quarters, one being recorded in the duchy coucher (see p. 165), while the other was found among the muniments of the heir of the original grantee (see p. 183). If, then, these two independent documents confirm and explain one another, there is every reason to believe that their contents are wholly authentic.
Charter of the Empress to Aubrey de Vere (1142).
M. Imp'atrix H. Regis filia et Anglorum Domina Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus Baronibus Justiciariis Vicecomitibus ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis totius Angliæ salutem. Sciatis me reddidisse et concessisse Comiti Alberico omnes terras et tenementa sua, sicut pater eius Albericus de Veer tenuit, die quâ fuit vivus et mortuus, videlicet, in terris, in feodis, in firmis, in ministeriis, in vadiis, in empcionibus, et hæreditatibus. Et nominatim Camerariam Angliæ sicut Albericus de Veer pater eius vel Robertus Malet vel aliquis Antecessorum suorum eam melius vel liberius tenuit cum omnibus consuetudinibus et libertatibus quæ ad ea pertinent sicut alia Carta mea quam inde habuit testatur. Et do et concedo ei totam terram Willelmi de Albrincis sine placito pro seruicio suo, simul cum hæreditate et iure quod clamat ex parte uxoris sue sicut umquam Willelmus de Archis[566] ea melius tenuit. Et turrim et Castellum de Colecestr' sine placito finaliter et sine escampa[567] quam citius ei deliberare potero. Et omnes tenuras suas de quocunque eas teneat in omnibus rebus sicut Carta sua alia quam inde habuit testatur. Et preter hoc do ei et concedo quod sit Comes de Cantebruggescr' et habeat inde tertium denarium sicut Comes debet habere, ita dico si Rex Scotiæ non habet illum Comitatum. Et si Rex habuerit perquiram illum ei ad posse meum per escambium. Et si non potero tunc do ei et concedo quod sit Comes de quolibet quatuor Comitatuum subscriptorum, videlicet Oxenefordscira, Berkscira, Wiltescira, et Dorsetscira per consilium et consideracionem Comitis Gloecestrie fratris mei et Comitis Gaufridi et Comitis Gisleberti et teneat Comitatum suum cum omnibus illis rebus que ad comitatum suum pertineat ita bene et in pace et libere et quiete et honorifice et plenarie sicut unquam aliquis Comes melius vel liberius tenuit vel tenet comitatum suum. Concedo etiam ei in feodo et hæreditate seruicium Willelmi de Helion,[568] videlicet decem militum ut ipse Willelmus teneat de Comite Alberico et ipse Comes faciat inde michi seruicium et michi et hæredibus meis. Concedo etiam ei et hæredibus suis de cremento Diham[569] que fuit Rogeri de Ramis[570] rectum nepotum ipsius comitis Alberici, videlicet filiorum Rogeri de Ramis.[571] Et similiter concedo ei et heredibus suis Turroc̃[572] que fuit Willelmi Peuerelli de Nottingh', et terram Salamonis Presbiteri[573] de Tilleberiâ.[574] Concedo etiam eidem Alberico Comiti quod ipse et omnes homines sui habeant et lucrentur omnia essarta sua libera et quieta de omnibus placitis que fecerant usque ad diem quâ seruicio domini mei Comitis Andegavie et meo adhæserunt.[575] Hec omnia supradicta tenementa concedo ei tenenda hæreditarie in omnibus rebus sibi et hæredibus suis de me et de hæredibus meis. Quare volo et firmiter præcipio quod ipse Albericus Comes et heredes sui teneant omnia tenementa sua ita bene et in pace et libere et quiete et honorifice et plenarie sicut unquam aliquis Comitum meorum melius vel liberius tenuit vel tenet et preter hoc do et concedo Galfrido de Ver totam terram que fuit Galfridi Talebot[576] in dominiis in militibus si eam ei Warantizare potero. Et si non potero, escambium ei inde dabo ad valentiam per consideracionem Comitis Galfridi Essex et Comitis Gisleberti et Comitis Alberici fratris sui. Et preter hoc concedo Roberto de Ver unam baroniam ad valentiam honoris Galfridi de Ver infra annum quo potestatiua fuero regni Angliæ. Vel aliam terram ad valentiam illius terræ. Et preter hoc do et concedo eidem Comiti Alberico Cancellariam ad opus Willelmi de Ver fratris sui ex quo deliberata fuerit de Willelmo Cancellario fratre Johannis filii Gisleberti qui eam modo habet. Hanc autem convencionem et donacionem tenendam affidaui manu mea propria in manu Galfridi Comitis Essex. Et hujus fiduciæ sunt obsides per fidem et Testes: Robertus Comes Gloec', et Milo Comes Heref', et Brianus filius Comitis, et Robertus filius Regis[577] et Robertus de Curci Dap', et Johannes filius Gisleb', et Milo de Belloc', et Radulfus Paganel, et Robertus filius Heldebrandi et Robertus de Oileio Conestabularius. Et Convencionaui eidem Comiti Alberico quod pro posse meo Comes Andegavie dominus meus assecurabit ei manu suâ propriâ illud idem tenendum et Henricus filius meus similiter. Et quod Rex ffrancie erit mihi obses si facere potero Et si non potero, faciam quod rex capiet in manu illud idem tenendum. Et de hoc debent esse obsides per fidem Juhel de Meduana et Rob[ertus] de Sabloill et Wido de Sabloill et Paganus de Clarievall' et Gaufridus de Clarievall et Andreas de Alvia et Pepinus de Turcin, et Absalon de Ruinard[578] et Reginaldus Comes Cornubiæ et Baldwinus Comes Deuoniæ et Comes Gislebertus de Pembroc et Comes Hugo de Norfolc et Comes de Essex Gaufridus et Patricius[579] (sic) de Valoniis, et alii barones mei quos habere voluerit et ego habere potero erunt inde obsides similiter et quod Christianitas Angliæ quæ in potestate meâ est capiat in manu supradictam convencionem tenendam eidem Comiti Alberico et hæredibus suis de me et hæredibus meis Apud Oxin.[580]