As a matter of fact several of the fifteen citizens can, from records, be identified and traced, if only we reject, at the outset, the whole of the wild confusion into which Mr. Loftie has plunged them.[231] We may take, for instance, “Ailwinus et Robertus frater eius filii Leostani,”[232] whose father I make to be Leofstan the son of Orgar. These brothers witness one St. Paul’s document in the time of Dean Ralf,[233] and are mentioned in another,[234] and they are addressed in a letter of archbishop Theobald (1139–43).[235] Robert accounts for the Weavers’ Gild of London in 1130,[236] while Æthelwine, who witnesses a deed under Dean William, and two under Dean Ralf, will also be found witnessing a charter of the earl of Essex in 1142–3.[237] It is this Æthelwine (‘Ailwinus’) who is wrongly identified by Mr. Loftie with the father of the first Mayor, and with ‘Aylwin child,’ and with a son-in-law of Orgar le Prude, who, by the way, was Orgar ‘the deacon,’ and not Orgar ‘le Prude.’[238]
Two other interesting members of “the fifteen” are “Leostanus aurifaber et Wyzo filius eius”; for the latter is clearly identical with that “Witso filius Leostani” who, so far from being an Austin canon, owes in 1130 half a marc of gold “pro terra et ministerio patris sui,”[239] and with that “Wizo aurifaber” who, with Edward his brother and John his son, makes an agreement with the canons of St. Paul’s.[240]
Returning to the second list of 1137,[241] we recognise in Hacon the dean, not a dean of St. Paul’s, but a witness of the Cnihtengild’s gift in 1125.[242] Tierri son of Deorman was the heir, perhaps the son, of that “Derman of London” who is entered in Domesday as holding half a hide at Islington, and the father of Bertram, “filius Theodorici filii Derman,” otherwise Bertram “de Barwe,” who held Newington Barrow in Islington,[243] who was a benefactor to the nuns of Clerkenwell, and whose son Thomas bestowed a serf upon St. Paul’s about the beginning of the 13th century.[244] The mention of this family leads me here to introduce a most singular genealogy, evidently adduced to prove, temp. John, that Peter son of Alan was heir to Thierri, a grandson and namesake of Thierri son of Derman.
Hubert vint de Cham et engendra Alain et Gervase et Will[elme] Blemunt le viel et altres. Alain le eisne engendra Pieres, et P[ieres] Alain, et A[lain] P[ieres]. Gerveise engendra Henri, et Henri Johane ki fu dunée a Hug[ues] de Nevile. Will[] Blemunt prist la suer Bertra[m] de Barue et engendra Will’ et T[er]ri et altres. Will’ devint chanoine a sainte ternite [sic] de Lundres et T[er]ri prist la fille Ernaud le rus et engendra une fille si cum lem dist. Iceste fille fu dunée a un petit fiz Johan Viel[245] dunt si ele mært sanz heir de soi. Les heirs al devant dit Alain sunt heirs, kar il sunt les eisnez.[246]
This genealogy, which, we shall find, is certainly incorrect, gives us a pedigree as follows:
We know (from the names of his son and granddaughter) that the Gervase of the text must be Gervase of Cornhill, who, as a matter of fact, had a brother Alan.[247] But we also know that their father was Roger ‘nepos Huberti,’[248] not Hubert. As there seem to be traces of another Hubert with sons Gervase and Alan,[249] this may account for the confusion. The mention of William Blemund is of special interest, because it is from this name that Bloomsbury [‘Blemundsbury’] is derived. His wife, being a sister of Bertram de Barue,[250] was a daughter of Tierri the son of Derman, which accounts for one of their sons bearing the name of ‘Terri.’ The belief that this great civic family sprang originally from Caen is a fact to be noted.
We know that Ralf ‘filius Andree’ (p. 101) must have been a son of Andrew Bucuinte, for “Andreas Bucuinte et Radulfus filius ejus” witness a Ramsey charter under Henry I.[251] William “camerarius” is, no doubt, the William “qui fuit camerarius Lond[onie],” who accounts for London debts on the roll of 1130.[252]
We have seen above that Andrew Buchuinte (Bucca Uncta) was, in 1137, Justiciar of London. This clue is of great importance, for, according to another portion of the Holy Trinity narrative, Andrew Buchuinte was the leading witness at the investiture of the Priory with the Cnihtengild’s soke by the two sheriffs of London in 1125.[253] He was also a leading witness to that agreement between Ramsey Abbey and Holy Trinity Priory, which I place between 1125 and 1130.[254]
The charter to which we are now coming shows him addressed by Stephen as the leading man in London in the latter part, we gather, of 1139. Since the appearance of “Justiciars” under Henry I., among those to whom writs and charters were addressed, they always took precedence of the sheriff, and my contention is that when a magnate is named in that position, it is because he was Justiciar. The charters dealt with in this paper afford several instances in point. This one, for example, may be given here, although of somewhat later date.