The Duke went to Rome about the middle of February, but never left the palace except disguised. The Pope was so displeased by his refusal to proceed against Bracciano that he threatened to excommunicate him and deprive him of his estates. Although Caesar probably did not regard these threats as very serious, he prepared to go to Cervetri, where he had left his captains—Ludovico della Mirandola, Ugo Moncada, and Michelotto de Corella. He left Rome April 6th for Cervetri, but on the way learned that the town had capitulated to the Count of Mirandola. The defenders threw themselves on Caesar’s mercy, and he conducted Giulio Orsini to the Pope and interceded for him so effectively that he was restored to liberty.

Giangiordano Orsini betook himself to Celle, in the Abruzzi, and while he was there the Pope offered to give him the principality of Squillace if he would relinquish all claims to his estates in the Romagna. These terms were accepted and, with the aid of the French ambassador, were embodied in a treaty which was drawn up April 8th.

Caesar had now become a power in Italy; soldiers of fortune flocked to his standard; he was the most dreaded man in the entire peninsula; the wealth of the Church was at his command and the influence of the Papacy was behind him. All the castles in the Patrimonium Petri were held by his lieutenants. Matarazzo says he was now the first captain in Italy, not owing to great knowledge of the art of war but to his treachery and corrupt use of money—he had reduced the science of warfare merely to a consummate art of deception.

He, however, had great and loyal admirers because the Italian of the sixteenth century had not learned that the success of men in an evil environment is commensurate with their own capacity for iniquity; that in human competition the ethical sense, the finer feelings, often preclude great achievement. All that Caesar had won he had secured by treachery and crime.

The politicians of the day attributed his success chiefly to the favour of the Pope and of the King of France, while the astrologers held the stars responsible, pronouncing him filium fortunae. Official astrologers, however, like the sycophants of the present, were not blind to their own interests. Cardinal Francesco Soderini says that among the attributes of greatness in Caesar and the Pope was their ability to recognise their opportunities and to avail themselves of them to the utmost—but this they could not have done had they possessed even a suggestion of the altruistic sense; theirs was simply the success of utter, merciless egoism.

The dispatches of the day are filled with suspicions and rumours regarding the aims of the Pope and Caesar; some said the former was plotting with the Spaniards to secure the Kingdom of Sicily for his son; others thought he had his eye on Tuscany. Machiavelli wrote: “Caesar having always thought little of Venice and still less of Florence, it would be well for the latter to build up such a powerful State in Italy that her friendship would be desired by some other potentate.” The secretary also says that Caesar doubtless aspired to the dominion of Tuscany, which, owing to her situation, would serve well with the other States he possessed to form a kingdom. Alvisi thinks that these suspicions and rumours were due to the universal fear of Caesar and he also suggests that the talk of a crown for Valentino may have been due to the steps Alexander VI. had taken to erect the Duchy of Romagna into the Kingdom of Adria, which had already been attempted by Clement VII. in 1379, for a prince of the house of Anjou. This action, however, would not have enlarged the domain he already possessed, and it is even possible that the Pope actually did intend to restore the entire Campagna to the Church after crushing the barons who were withholding it.

While Caesar’s captains were occupied about Ceri the Pope, with his own guard and a few of Valentino’s men took possession of Palombara, Lenzano, Cervetri, and other towns belonging to the Savelli.

The Spaniards in the Regno were successfully resisting the French, and Louis’s influence was rapidly waning. He was, however, still actively supporting the league which he had formed against Valentino.

After Pandolfo Petrucci’s departure from Siena the people became uneasy; the King therefore caused him to return.

Valentino’s grasp on the duchy was far from secure; many of the strongholds of the Montefeltre were still holding out against him; Lattanzio da Bergamo, shut up in San Leo, felt he could defend himself until the Duke of Urbino returned to relieve him. At the same time, the continued activity of the Orsini and their numerous adherents made it necessary for Caesar to remain in, or near, Rome and postpone for a time at least his projected conquests. In fine, conditions were such that he would be fortunate if he succeeded in conserving what he had already secured.