(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings11 in each settlement.
(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.
(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.
11Ka-má-lig.
That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant points in an incredibly short time.
As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud, túñgud."12 In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.
12Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible, ta-gá-an.
In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:
(1) A small alcove13 in one corner, frequently provided with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.
(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a supply of drink.
(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of four logs set upon the floor.
(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.
(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation is unprecedented.
(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the deities.
13Called sin-á-buñg.