The Nabob and his chief managers had, notwithstanding Clive's efforts, too great reason to complain of the insolent pretensions and fraudulent practices of Gomastahs (or agents) employed by the gentlemen in office at Calcutta, and in different parts of the country. Many of Clive's public and private letters convey his sentiments very strongly upon this subject; and from one of them we learn, that he had punished most severely a native in his own service, for using his name as a sanction to some abuses. This afforded him an opportunity, of which he availed himself, of stating to the Committee of Fort William, the great importance of continued and vigilant attention to a point, upon which the temper and good feeling of their ally and his principal subjects must so much depend.
The alarm at Clive's return to England was not limited to the natives: all the first civil servants, Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Holwell, Mr. Sykes, Mr. Hastings, and many others, entreated him to remain some time longer. Their sentiments are nearly similar. I shall, therefore, content myself with stating those reasons which Mr. Hastings brought forward in support of his arguments on this subject.
"I own," Mr. Hastings observes[[84]], "with great concern I learnt that your resolution is fixed to return this season to Europe. The disinterested regard which, without fearing the imputation of flattery, I may declare you have ever shown for the Company's welfare, convinces me, that you would not have determined upon this step, were it in the least respect inconsistent with that principle. Yet permit me, Sir, upon this occasion, to lay before you such consequences as, from my little experience of the Durbar affairs, I apprehend may attend your absence.
"I am, and always have been, of opinion, that the Nabob is, both by interest and inclination, heartily attached to the English; but I think it as certain that the people about him, especially his Muttaseddies[[85]] and the Seits, who are evidently great sufferers by the large acquisitions of power which the English have obtained in this Government, would gladly use every possible means to alienate his affections from us. At present, the personal obligations which he confessedly lies under to you are sufficient to intimidate them from any open attempts against us; but as your absence will encourage these people to throw off the mask, and the Nabob is but of an irresolute and unsettled temper, I don't think it possible that he can hold out against the united influence of so many evil counsellors, as will be perpetually instilling into his mind the necessity of reducing the English power. I am the more apprehensive of their success, from the expressions which he has frequently made use of, before the late attempt of the Shah-Zada, intimating that he knew nobody amongst the English but yourself to whom he had any obligations, and that nothing but his friendship for you restrained him from retaliating the many insults which he pretended to have received from the English.
"As there is nobody to succeed you with the same influence, and other advantages which you possess, nothing but a large military force will secure our privileges from being encroached upon, as soon as you quit the country; not to mention the dangers we are threatened with from our natural enemies the French, which, by your resignation of the service, will be doubled upon us, and in which it is very probable the Nabob will stand neuter. I believe I mentioned to you already, that, in conversation with one of the Nabob's principal confidants, a day or two before I went down to Calcutta, he inadvertently dropped, that the French had made some overtures towards an accommodation with the Nabob through his means, and seemed, by his discourse, to wish that it might be brought about; but whether he spoke his own sentiments only, or the Nabob's, I could not judge, as he would not explain himself further upon the subject. This much, indeed, he added, that the proposal was at that time rejected. I do not advance this as an argument that the Nabob is inclinable to favour the French; but I think it would not be difficult to persuade him, that it would be for his interest to suffer the French to come into his country again, both for the increase of his revenues (a very prevailing argument) and to balance the power of the English; and with regard to his engagement by the treaty to succour the English against their enemies; I don't apprehend it will be any further binding, than as it is for his advantage to abide by it.
"Of the great consequence which a junction of the country forces would prove to us in case of an invasion from the French, I would not presume to say any thing in an address to you. If the French attempt any thing against Bengal before your departure, I think I can answer for the Nabob's readiness to assist you against them; but that he will exert himself as zealously in our favour when you are gone, I greatly doubt.
"I know not in what light you may regard the proposal lately made from Delhi, or whether the consideration of the further advantages that may result from a nearer connection with that Court (in which your intervention appears of indispensable necessity) deserve to be thrown into the scale; though I must own it is my opinion, that nothing can contribute so much to establish the power of the English in this country on the most solid and lasting foundation as an interest properly established at that Court.
"Such other arguments as might be produced for the necessity of your stay, till affairs are a little more settled in this country, not coming properly under my province, I shall pass over; nor should I have troubled you with so much on this subject, but that, as these reflections have been suggested to me by my particular employ at the Durbar, I thought they might not so readily occur to, or carry the same weight with, any other person; to which I may add, that, as I have in common with the whole settlement an interest in your stay amongst us, I have a particular one from the difficulties which I well foresee will attend me in my present situation, as soon as I lose your influence."
Clive's correspondence at this period contains the fullest evidence, that, independently of other motives, one great object of his return to England was the hope of being able, by his personal representations and influence, to obtain the adoption of measures which he thought calculated to preserve India. He desired to obtain for the Governors of the three Presidencies commissions from his Majesty as Major-Generals, in order that their superior rank might put an end to the pretensions and independent powers of his Majesty's officers, which had been found, on some occasions, seriously to impede and injure the public service. He was also anxious, as he stated in several letters, to arrive in England before peace was concluded with France.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart upon these subjects, he observes[[86]], "All things considered, my design is to get with the utmost expedition to England. Supposing I set out in January, I may arrive the beginning of May; and an answer to my proposals may come to hand the end of the same year. My intention is to get you fixt in this government, and to have Forde and Caillaud at the head of the military; and, if possible, to prevail on the Directors" (for it entirely depends upon them) "to apply to his Majesty for commissions of Major-Generals for the Governors, for the time being, of the three Presidencies. If my interest prevails, I flatter myself I shall have rendered the Company more service by my return to England than by my stay in Bengal. If a peace should be on the tapis, I may be of some use likewise; for convinced I am the Directors are not masters sufficiently of the subject, and will probably conclude a peace in Europe, which cannot possibly be abided by in the East Indies."