After stating these facts, Clive proceeds to detail, in this memorial, the extent to which concessions may be made at a general peace. He expresses great anxiety that the French should, if possible, be limited as to the number of men they are to maintain upon the coast of Coromandel; but, under every circumstance, he is strenuous against their re-admission to Bengal, except as merchants.
Lord Bute expressed his obligations to Lord Clive for this communication.
"I have received[[168]]," he states, "your Lordship's letter, and the paper accompanying it, in which you have offered your sentiments on the interests of this country with respect to our possessions in the East Indies, in a very clear and masterly manner. The lights you have thrown on the subject could not fail of being acceptable to me. I return your Lordship thanks, therefore, for the communication; and you may be assured that I will make a proper use of them."
Every attention possible was given to Clive's suggestions; and by the definitive treaty of peace, concluded in February, 1763, the French government agreed not to maintain any troops in Bengal, or in the northern circars. These were the chief objects to which he had directed the attention of Lord Bute; but that minister (consulting only his friend Mr. Sulivan, and the Directors) had inserted an article into the preliminary treaty, by which the recognition, by the French, of the title of Mahommed Ali Khan, as Nabob of the Carnatic, was obtained by the English recognising the title of the ally of the French, Salabut Jung, as Subahdar of the Deckan. Nothing could be more preposterous than this guarantee (for to such it amounted) of the title of two Indian princes standing in the relations the Subahdar of the Deckan and the Nabob of Arcot did to each other, and to their European allies. Besides, Salabut Jung had for some years ceased to be the ally of the French, and was the ally of the English Government.
Clive, it would appear from the documents in my possession, only heard by accident of this extraordinary article. He hastened to Mr. Wood, the Under Secretary of State, whom he soon convinced of the embarrassment and danger it might produce. Lord Bute being also satisfied by his reasoning, it was, in forming the definitive treaty, so altered and amended, that (as I have elsewhere remarked) it might have remained innoxious, "had it not been subsequently converted by his Majesty's ministers into a pretext for one of the most unjustifiable and mischievous acts[[169]] of interference with the powers of the Company that is to be found on the page of Indian history."
Clive was dissatisfied with the peace, and voted in the minority that condemned that measure. His having come forward, under such circumstances, to give his aid in improving the treaty, as far as the interests of the Company were concerned, greatly increased his popularity with the proprietors. He continued in opposition, though to the sacrifice of his personal interests; nor was his conduct, on this occasion, dictated by any hope of Mr. Pitt's restoration to power. He evidently thought that great statesman had, by his own acts, barred himself from all chance of future employment.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart, Clive observes[[170]]; "Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding his great abilities and the many eminent services he has rendered this nation, has become the most odious man living to the King, nobility, and both parliaments. The King can never forgive him that unfortunate visit to the city on the Lord Mayor's day, his popularity was such, that it seemed as if King William instead of King George had been invited to that grand entertainment. As to the Privy Council, he has honoured them in Parliament with the names of state cowards and political misers. In short, his whole interest in Parliament is lost, and it is very improbable, if not impossible, he should ever come into employment again."
Ministers, unable to gain Clive, desired to give him every annoyance, and by diminishing his wealth and reputation, to lessen his influence. Lord Bute was Mr. Sulivan's friend and patron; and the latter was a willing leader in this attack. The measures taken by his opponents satisfied Clive that he had no means of supporting his own interests but by a successful opposition to Mr. Sulivan at the ensuing general election at the India House.
The share of stock, which at this period, entitled a proprietor to vote, was 500l.; and though it was supposed to be the bonâ fide property of the individual who voted, the law was not so strict but what it could be avoided; and there is abundant evidence in the papers before me, that, in these annual contests for the administration, all parties "split votes" (as it was termed) to a very great extent.
Lord Clive, in the election of 1763, mentions his having employed 100,000l. in this manner; and we find in the following season, when his friends (after he had left England) so far triumphed over Mr. Sulivan as to bring Mr. Rous into the chair, that a bill[[171]] was brought into the House of Commons, and ultimately carried, by which the proprietor was compelled to swear, not only that the stock was bonâ fide his property, but that it had been in his possession a twelvemonth. This measure put an end (as was intended) to a practice, which, from being general, had ceased to be a reproach to individuals; and which, when resorted to by one party, left the other no option but following a bad example[[172]], or submitting to defeat.