Cossim Ali's ambition was of too active a nature to render him content to await the death of his father-in-law and benefactor; and he found, in the distracted state of the Nabob's government, and in the prejudices of those intrusted with the administration of the Company's affairs in Bengal, ample grounds to proceed upon. He had also recourse to what he no doubt deemed more certain means of effecting his object. He promised (and the promise was afterwards made good[[225]]), large sums to those of the select committee who had favoured his elevation. He anxiously desired to extend his gifts to the members of the committee who were opposed to the measures of the Governor; but they rejected his offers, and made such rejection a strong ground of the sincerity of that protest[[226]] which they had entered against the proceedings of the Governor and his party on this memorable occasion.
The letter written by the secret committee of Bengal to the Court of Directors, at the period of Clive's departure for England, has been already noticed. It was, of course, deemed most contumacious; and as a mark of their displeasure, the Court dismissed from their service the four civil councillors.[[227]] Three of those dismissed were zealous supporters of Mr. Vansittart; and their removal threw the power into the hands of a majority, whose violence, in their opposition to him and Cossim Ali, led to measures which precipitated the rupture with the latter, and all the horrid acts by which it was attended.
On the breaking out of the war, the restoration of Meer Jaffier was urged by the majority of the Council; and when the excesses of Cossim Ali put an end to all hopes of a settlement with him, Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings, who were at first opposed to the measure, concurred in it. The re-elevation was attended with few changes. He confirmed the concessions[[228]] made by Cossim Ali, and restored the advantages of trade to the English which that prince had taken from them. Meer Jaffier survived his restoration to power but a short period; and that was disturbed by mutinies in his army, and by the intrigues and corruption of his court. He imputed all his misfortunes to the absence of Clive; and he anxiously desired to protract his existence till the arrival of one, whom, notwithstanding all their disputes and differences, he appears throughout to have considered as his only true friend. The gratification of his wish was denied him. He died a few months before Clive's arrival[[229]]; but the warm and often-expressed sentiments of Meer Jaffier, on this point, show that he was neither destitute of good feeling nor discernment. The sincerity of his attachment was proved by the last act of his life, which was to leave a legacy to his friend. The amount and destination of this bequest shall be hereafter mentioned.
On the death of Meer Jaffier, doubts arose as to his successor. The first claimant was Nujum-ud-Dowla, a youth of twenty, and son of the deceased; and the second, his grandson (the son of Meeran), who was only six years of age. After some deliberation, the decision was in favour of the former.
By the treaty[[230]] concluded with this prince, the military defence of the country entirely devolved upon the English; the Nabob agreeing to keep no more troops than were necessary for purposes of parade. The most remarkable feature of this arrangement was, the agreement of the young Nabob to appoint, with the advice and concurrence of the English government, a Naib Subah (or vicegerent), to conduct the civil administration of his country. At the time when Meer Jaffier was restored, the choice of his minister was, of course, considered as being of the greatest importance. While at Calcutta, he proposed to appoint to that office Nundcomar[[231]], a Hindu of the worst character. To this Mr. Vansittart strongly objected, recommending Mahommed Reza Khan, a Mahommedan noble of talent and of reputed integrity, but who was opposed (probably for those very qualifications) by the intriguing and corrupt faction which had long governed the court of Moorshedabad. The Nabob soon after left Calcutta, when Nundcomar followed; and, in spite of Mr. Vansittart's remonstrances, being supported by the majority in Council opposed to the Governor, he was intrusted with the direction of the Nabob's affairs. Mr. Vansittart had left Bengal before the death of Meer Jaffier; on which event, by the treaty that followed, Mahommed Reza Khan (then at Dacca) was elevated to the rank of Naib Subah to his successor, Nujum-ud-Dowla.[[232]]
Mr. Vansittart, or rather his council, has been reproached[[233]] (as Clive was) for making Nabobs, without any reference or respect for the legitimate authority of the Emperor of Delhi, or his Vizier, Sujah-u-Dowla. But however politic it might have been to have gained the sanction of such authorities after the measure was adopted, a previous application would have been the height of folly and of weakness. Whatever latitude of interference, or right of approbation, had been given to the Emperor or his minister, would assuredly have been exercised for venal and ambitious purposes; and the embarrassments, that must ever attend such proceedings, would have been multiplied tenfold. Sujah-u-Dowla, it is true, upbraided the English with their conduct in this particular. He accused them of casting down and putting up Nabobs at their pleasure; but this was to gain opinion, and afford a pretext for the hostilities he meditated against their power. The very chief who made this accusation was the proclaimed minister and servant of the Emperor; but he yielded him neither obedience, nor a participation in the revenues of the wide and rich territories of Oude. Names and forms, as connected with the different relations of authority in the empire of India, continued to be observed, and were so far of importance; but, as connected with the substance of power, they had been, for a long period, wholly neglected; and though we may agree with the historical antiquary, who judges from the principles of times long past, and looks only to the theory of Indian government, that the English were wrong, yet, if we take a dispassionate and comprehensive view of the actual condition of India, we must, I conceive, not only deem them defensible upon this point, but pronounce that, under the circumstances in which they were placed, it was quite impracticable for the local authorities at Calcutta to pursue any other line, without sacrificing the interests committed to their care, and greatly increasing the anarchy and bloodshed in the country, regarding the administration of which the disputes existed.[[234]]
The changes that took place at Madras during Clive's absence from India have little relation to these Memoirs, as that presidency continued, during his second administration, almost unconnected with Bengal. Suffice it, therefore, to say, that the power of the English Nabob (as he was termed), Mahommed Ali Khan, was fully established[[235]]; the strong fortress of Vellore was besieged, and taken from Mortiz Ali Khan, and part of the Carnatic was assigned, as a jaghire, to the Company.
Another event occurred during this period[[236]], which created a great sensation. The gallant Mahommed Esoof, who had so greatly distinguished himself in the early campaigns of Lawrence and Clive, had been continued in the management of Madura and Tinnevelly, which he had been the chief instrument of reducing to order. He was, in this situation, subject to the Nabob, to whom, and those around him, he was not long in becoming an object of jealousy and hatred. The defalcation of revenue from exhausted countries, and the haughty replies made by a proud soldier to reproaches, added to the preparations he made to guard against the designs of those he justly deemed his enemies, furnished ample pretexts for accusing him of malversation and rebellion. The Company's troops were combined with those of the Nabob for his reduction; which was not, however, effected, without great waste of blood and treasure, and at last accomplished by an act of treachery. A Frenchman in his service, of the name of Marchand, betrayed him; and he was put to death by the Nabob, Mahommed Ali. This gallant soldier, no doubt, became a rebel to the prince he served; but he may be deemed, in some respects, the victim of those disputes for power which ran so high, at this period, between the English and the Nabob. Mr. Pigot, according to Mahommed Ali, forced Mahommed Esoof upon him as the manager of the countries of Madura and Tinnevelly; and by his support and countenance encouraged him in acts of contumacy and disobedience. Educated as the Vellore Subadar had been, and knowing that the real power was vested in the English, he appears to have looked exclusively to them, and to have paid little attention to one he considered as having no more than a nominal authority. But the departure for England of his friend Mr. Pigot, and the succession of Mr. Palk, whose policy conceded to the Nabob the real dominion of his country, left Mahommed Esoof without hope; and, in the desperate struggle he made for his life, the former faithful soldier of the English not only corresponded with their enemies, the French, against whom he had so often and so gallantly fought, but declared himself the subject, and displayed in his fort and country the banners, of that nation. This last act of his life has not deprived his memory of the honours that belong to it, as the bravest and ablest of all the native soldiers that ever served the English in India.
Mr. Palk, formerly clergyman at Fort Saint David, who had risen, by his moderation, good sense, and experience, to different offices of government, was, when Clive returned to India, Governor of Madras. His appointment to this station induced his friend and near connection, General Lawrence, to quit his retreat, and revisit, as commander of the troops, the scene of his former fame.
At Calcutta, Mr. Spencer from Bombay had succeeded to Mr. Vansittart. He was governor at the time of the elevation of Nujum-ud-Dowla, and participated in the money[[237]] that was distributed on that occasion. These presents have been justly arraigned, as furnishing powerful motives to the Company's servants for making revolutions by which they were enriched; and it is one of the heaviest charges against Clive, that his example was the origin of this baneful practice. The fact is not disputed; but it happened in this case, as in most others, where small men attempt to imitate great, that they reach only the defects, and fail in every other part.