For some time lord William Campbell conducted himself with such apparent moderation, as to remain on good terms with the leaders of the opposition; but he was secretly exerting all the influence of his station to defeat their views; and was, at length, detected in carrying on negotiations with the Indians, and with the disaffected in the interior. These people had been induced to believe that the inhabitants of the sea coast, in order to exempt their tea from a trifling tax, were about to engage them in a contest, which would deprive them of their salt, osnaburgs, and other imported articles of absolute necessity. The detection of these intrigues excited such a ferment that the governor was compelled to fly from Charleston, and take refuge on board a ship of war in the river. The government was then, as elsewhere, taken entirely into the hands of men chosen by the people; and a body of provincial troops was ordered into that part of the country which adhered to the royal cause, where many individuals, contrary to the advice of governor Campbell, had risen in arms. The leaders were seized, and their followers dispersed.
In North Carolina also, governor Martin was charged with fomenting a civil war, and exciting an insurrection among the negroes. Relying on the aid he expected from the disaffected, especially from some Highland emigrants, he made preparations for the defence of his palace; but the people taking the alarm before his troops were raised, he was compelled to seek safety on board a sloop of war in Cape Fear river; soon after which, the committee resolved "that no person or persons whatsoever should have any correspondence with him, on pain of being deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly."
As soon as congress was organised, Mr. Hancock laid before that body the depositions showing that, in the battle of Lexington, the King's troops were the aggressors; together with the proceedings of the provincial congress of Massachusetts on that subject.
The affairs of America were now arrived at a crisis to which they had been, for some time, rapidly tending; and it had become necessary for the delegates of the other provinces finally to determine, either to embark with New England in war, or, by separating from her, to surrender the object for which they had jointly contended, and submit to that unlimited supremacy which was claimed by parliament.
Even among the well informed, the opinion, that the contest would ultimately be determined by the sword, had not become general. The hope had been indulged by many of the popular leaders, that the union of the colonies, the extent and serious aspect of the opposition, and the distress which their non-importation agreements would produce among the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state, would induce administration to recede from its high pretensions, and restore harmony and free intercourse. This opinion had derived strength from the communications made them by their zealous friends in England. The divisions and discontents of that country had been represented as much greater than the fact would justify; and the exhortations transmitted to them to persevere in the honourable course which had been commenced with so much glory, had generally been accompanied with assurances that success would yet crown their patriotic labours. Many had engaged with zeal in the resistance made by America, and had acted on a full conviction of the correctness of the principles for which they contended, who would have felt some reluctance in supporting the measures which had been adopted, had they believed that those measures would produce war. But each party counted too much on the divisions of the other; and each seems to have taken step after step, in the hope that its adversary would yield the point in contest, without resorting to open force. Thus, on both sides, the public feeling had been gradually conducted to a point, which would, in the first instance, have been viewed with horror, and had been prepared for events, which, in the beginning of the controversy, would have alarmed the most intrepid. The prevailing sentiment in the middle and southern colonies still was, that a reconciliation, on the terms proposed by America, was not even yet impracticable, and was devoutly to be wished; but that war was to be preferred to a surrender of those rights, for which they had contended, and to which they believed every British subject, wherever placed, to be unquestionably entitled. They did not hesitate therefore which part of the alternative to embrace; and their delegates united cordially with those of the north, in such measures as the exigency required. The resolution was unanimous that, as hostilities had actually commenced, and as large reinforcements to the British army were expected, these colonies should be immediately put in a state of defence, and the militia of New York be armed and trained, and kept in readiness to act at a moment's warning. Congress also determined to embody a number of men, without delay, for the protection of the inhabitants of that place, but did not authorise opposition to the landing of any troops which might be ordered to that station by the crown. The convention of New York had already consulted congress on this subject, and had been advised to permit the soldiers to take possession of the barracks, and to remain there so long as they conducted themselves peaceably; but, if they should commit hostilities, or invade private property, to repel force by force. Thus anxious was congress even after a battle had been fought, not to widen the breach between the two countries. In addition to the real wish for reconciliation, sound policy directed that the people of America should engage in the arduous conflict which was approaching, with a perfect conviction that it was forced upon them, and not invited by the intemperate conduct of their leaders. The divisions existing in several of the States suggested the propriety of this conduct, even to those who despaired of deriving any other benefit from it, than a greater degree of union among their own countrymen. In this spirit, congress mingled with the resolutions for putting the country in a state of defence, others expressing the most earnest wish for reconciliation with the mother country, to effect which, that body determined to address, once more, an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and to adopt measures for opening a negotiation in order "to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great Britain and the colonies."
As no great confidence could be placed in the success of pacific propositions, the resolution for putting the country in a state of defence was accompanied with others rendered necessary by that undetermined state between war and peace, in which America was placed. All exports to those colonies, which had not deputed members to congress, were stopped; and all supplies of provisions, and other necessaries, to the British fisheries, or to the army or navy in Massachusetts Bay, or to any vessels employed in transporting British troops to America, or from one colony to another, were prohibited. Though this resolution was only an extension of the system of commercial resistance which had been adopted before the commencement of hostilities, and was evidently provoked by the late act of parliament, it seems to have been entirely unexpected, and certainly produced great distress.
Massachusetts having stated the embarrassments resulting from being without a regular government, "at a time when an army was to be raised to defend themselves against the butcheries and devastations of their implacable enemies," and having declared a readiness to conform to such general plan as congress might recommend to the colonies, it was resolved "that no obedience is due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of that colony, nor to officers who, instead of observing that charter, seek its subversion." The governor and lieutenant governor, therefore, were to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant. To avoid the intolerable inconveniences arising from a total suspension of government, "especially at a time when general Gage had actually levied war, and was carrying on hostilities against his majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects in that colony," it was "recommended to the convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places which are entitled to representation in the assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government until a governor of his majesty's appointment will consent to govern the colony, according to its charter."[248]
These resolutions were quickly followed by others of greater vigour, denoting more decidedly, a determination to prepare for the last resort of nations.
It was earnestly recommended to the conventions of all the colonies to provide the means of making gun powder, and to obtain the largest possible supplies of ammunition. Even the non-importation agreement was relaxed in favour of vessels importing these precious materials. The conventions were also urged to arm and discipline the militia; and so to class them, that one-fourth should be minute men. They were also requested to raise several regular corps for the service of the continent; and a general resolution was entered into, authorising any province thinking itself in danger, to raise a body of regulars not exceeding one thousand men, to be, paid by the united colonies.
Congress also proceeded to organise the higher departments of the army, of which, colonel George Washington of Virginia was appointed commander in chief.[249]