Uncle Daniel's Story Of "Tom" Anderson, and Twenty Great Battles

by John McElroy

“Mr. Carey said the third proposition was also in the form of a communication, and was placed in his hands by the authorities in Richmond for consideration by the Northern friends, and was in the following language, which he proceeded to read:

“'Boston P.O., Ga. “'Jefferson Davis.
“'Sir: Having a desire to be of benefit to the Southern
States is the only excuse I can offer for addressing you
this letter; and believing the best plan would be to dispose
of the leading characters of the North, for that reason I
have experimented in certain particulars that will do this
without difficulty; although it is quite an underhanded
manner of warfare, and not knowing whether it would meet
with your approbation or not, prevents me from giving you a
full account of the material used, although I believe any
one of them would take the life of a Southern man in any way
they could. If you wish, write to me and get the whole
process.
“'Hoping for your good health and future victory. “'
(Signed)
J. S. Paramore.'

“Said Carey: 'This man was sent for and closely examined as to what he proposed, and by the experiments made by our best scientists they were of opinion that his plan could be made a success, as the process was without doubt effective. The question, however, was not as to the process by which this could be done, but must we resort to it? Had all other means failed?'

“The other proposition was on the same line, but proposing a different mode of execution, which Carey also read:

“'Headquarters 63d Ga. Reg't.,
“'Near Savannah. “'To President Davis.
“'Mr. President: After long meditation and much reflection
on the subject of this communication, I have determined to
intrude it upon you, earnestly hoping my motives will
constitute a full vindication for such presumption on the
part of one so humble and obscure as myself, though I must
say that the evidences of your Christian humility almost
assure me. I propose, with your permission, to assist in
organizing a number of select men, say not less than 300 to
500, to go into the United States and assassinate, for
instance, Seward, Lincoln, Greeley, Prentice, and others,
considering it necessary to the chances of success at this
time. I will only say a few words as to the opinion of its
effects. I have made it a point to elicit the opinion of
many men upon this subject, in whose good sense I have great
confidence, and while a difference of opinion to some extent
is almost inevitable, most have confidence in its benefit to
us. The most plausible argument seems to be that to impress
upon the Northern mind that for men in high places there to
wield their influence in favor of the barbarisms they have
been so cruelly practicing upon us is to jeopardize their
lives; for distinguished leaders there to feel that the
moment they array hordes for our desolation, at that moment
their existence is in the utmost peril—this would produce
hesitation and confusion that would hasten peace and our
independence. With these meager suggestions upon the subject
I will leave it for this time. If you deem the matter worthy
of any encouragement, and will so apprize me, I believe I
can give you such evidences of loyalty and integrity of
character as will entitle it to your consideration. So far
as I am concerned, I will say, however, that I was born and
raised in Middle Georgia. All my relationships and
affections are purely Southern. I was opposed to secession,
but am now committed to the death against subjugation or
reunion with men of whose instincts and moral character,
till this war, I was totally ignorant. If I have insulted
any scruple or religious principle of yours I beg to be
pardoned. I neglected to state in the proper place that I
am an officer in the volunteer service.
“'Begging your respectful attention to this communication,
“I am, your Excellency's most obedient servant,
“'H. C. Durham, 63d Ga.'

“The reading of this communication was received with cheers from quite a number of those present, principally Southern men. Carey said that the Secretary of War had sent for Durham, and that he was then at Richmond. He was a fine looking, intelligent man, terribly in earnest. This was thought, although there was hesitancy about it in the Cabinet, to be a much more feasible undertaking than the attempt to explode the Capitol at Washington. The necessity for some radical measure to be adopted and put into execution at once was the reason for these documents having been taken from the archives and placed in the present hands in their original form.

“Lieut. W. Alston, of Sulphur Springs, Va., who was present, as stated by Carey, also proposed to the authorities at Richmond to undertake to rid the country of the Confederacy's most deadly enemies, and authorized the committee to say that he, here and now, renewed his proposition; all of which Carey submitted to the assembly for their consideration.

“The propositions having been submitted in due form, the Chairman stated that they were before the assembly and open for consideration. Jacob Thomlinson opened the discussion, and said that these propositions were of the most vital importance; that the success of the Confederacy hung upon the action of this assembly. The authorities were waiting with bated breath until they could hear what their Northern friends would consider proper and feasible to be at once entered upon. He wanted no more promises without performance. He would save the Confederacy by any means if he could, and would consider himself justified. If some of these measures had been resorted to much earlier it would have been better. He said that war was mere barbarism and cruelty; that plunder, burning, pillage and assassination were merely the concomitants, and a part of the system, of all wars; that when men make war it means crime, rapine and murder, and those engaging in it should so understand. Each party is expected to capture all of the enemy that can be so taken, and to kill all that resist. It was proper to pick out and deliberately shoot down the Generals. He asked if it would be any worse to secretly capture Lincoln and Silent, the two leaders and commanders of all the United States forces, or to assassinate either or both of them, than to shoot them near our lines. He contended that if either or both of them should be seen near the Confederate lines they would be shot down, and the persons doing it would be rewarded with medals of honor, and would go down into history as great patriots for performing the act. If this were true, as all must concede, why should it be considered a dark and damnable deed in time of war, when a great and dire necessity required, for two such tyrants to be put out of the way in the cause of liberty? He insisted that no difference could exist, save in the minds of individuals morbid on the subject of human life. He said that he had witnessed enough shamming, and heard enough shallow professions, and wanted no more of either; that the promises of some of their Northern friends, already broken, had cost the Confederacy millions of dollars in coin, and had left him individually bankrupt and impoverished. There had been nothing but a series of failures growing out of the pretenses of some of their Northern allies. He was very severe on many of them, especially on Cornington and Eagle, of Chicago, and Strider and Bowen, of Indiana, all of whom he charged with getting large sums of money for use in the late election and for other purposes. He said they neither accounted for its disposition, nor had they entered an appearance, after promising on their obligation to do so. This he considered the most unwarranted course of conduct of which any one could have been guilty—no less than the deepest-dyed perfidy. When he closed his speech he was cheered to the echo.” Dr. Adams said: “This man Thomlinson was a very brutal man in his instincts. He seemed also to have been out of humor with his co-conspirators. He was certainly very angry and much disappointed that his schemes had all failed. But how an intelligent man could argue and justify assassination, as he seemed to do, I cannot understand.”

Col. Bush replied: “Doctor, you must see that this man, no matter what he may have been in former years, had become a hardened, inhuman wretch. Do you not remember that he was the same person who employed men to gather poisoned clothes for the distribution of disease, as well as his attempt to have our cities burned, but was thwarted by Divine Providence, in my judgment?”

“Yes, I remember all this, and God knows that seemed the extreme of barbarism and inhumanity; but his last proposition in his argument was deliberate, cold-blooded murder in order to gain a political end; and to think of Northern men listening at any time to such propositions without remonstrance or disapproval in any way makes me shudder.”