“Congress was engaged in trying to agree upon a plan for the reconstruction of the South, as well as to reorganize the army. When the law was passed for the latter purpose I was written to by the Secretary of War in order to ascertain Gen. Anderson's whereabouts. I wrote him, giving his address. The General was tendered a position in the army. He came home and consulted his wife, but finally declined it. He recommended Lieut. James Whitcomb, his Aid-de-Camp, Seraine's brother, for a position, and he was appointed a Lieutenant in the cavalry arm of the service. He is still alive and in the army, but transferred, as I understand, to a different branch of the service.
“The General concluded to go to Washington city, where he remained some weeks. On returning he thought he would settle there in the practice of the law. His wife did not wish to go until he had tried the chances of success. So it was arranged that his family should remain with me, his wife wishing to return to her old home when she felt that it was safe for the General. He returned to Washington, and did very well.
“By this time there seemed to be some friction between the President and Congress. This condition of things continued, with ill-feeling, and the breach still widening. The President differed widely with the Republican majority, as well as the Secretary of War and the General of the Army, as to the reconstruction of the States recently in rebellion. Every measure that Congress would pass with a view of taking charge of the colored people or aiding them in their perilous condition, was rejected by the President, and had to be passed over his veto. It was the same with matters in reference to reconstruction. He began haranguing the populace from the balcony of the Executive Mansion, in order to create an ill-feeling and prejudice in the minds of the people against their representatives.
“He, however, very suddenly changed his views as to the proper treatment for the leaders of the rebellion. Instead of wishing them tried and punished, as formerly, he thought a portion of Congress should be tried and punished. He turned his back on his Union friends and made the leading rebels and their sympathizers of the North his confidants. Jefferson Davis and all those under arrest for treason were, under his new programme, released. He denounced leading Republicans as conspirators and traitors. He was cajoled by every conspirator of the late rebellion. Finally the visits of certain men from Maryland and Virginia became so frequent that it aroused a suspicion in the minds of the Secretary of War and the Chief of Staff to the General of the Army, and very soon this suspicion extended to the General himself that a new conspiracy was being organized. The General was led to believe this, first, on the ground that the President at one time wanted all the leading men who had been paroled by the General arrested and tried by the U. S. Court in Virginia. This the General of the Army had resisted in such a manner as to cause quite a coolness between the two. The same men that he at one time desired to see hanged had now become his companions, confidential friends and advisers.
“Information was received about this time, through a source that could not be doubted by the Secretary of War nor by the General of the Army, of a programme which had been agreed upon by the President and certain rebels claiming that their States were sovereign, were States now as ever, with all their rights—that of representation included. The President determined to issue his proclamation for an election of Senators and Members of the House of Representatives from all the States lately in rebellion, and if they came to Washington claiming their seats, and should not be admitted by the Republican majority, he would organize a Congress with the Southern members and the Northern Democrats, and as President would recognize them as the Congress of the United States and send his messages and communications accordingly. If the Republicans resisted he would disperse them by force, and thereby make them the rebels against the lawful Government, as he claimed, and in that way turn it over to its enemies and their sympathizers, with himself as their chief instead of Mr. Davis, holding the Capital and all the Government archives. If he could induce the General of the Army to obey his orders he could carry out this scheme; if not, he would get rid of the General and try and find some other officer upon whom he could rely. To be prepared in case he could not use the Commander of the Army, a force was to be organized in Maryland and Virginia, which was to sweep down upon Washington and take possession before outside forces could be organized against the President's authority, using in connection with this force such of the army as would obey him. He tested the General of the Army and found he could not use him to aid in starting a new rebellion. He then concluded that he would send him away to Mexico, and put in some pliant tool as Secretary of War, and then put this scheme in operation.
“Just about this time an application was made to the General of the Army, without coming through the Secretary of War, by the State of Maryland, for its quota of arms. This at once struck the General as strange. He went to the Secretary of War, and upon consultation the application was placed among the relics of the past. In a day or so the President inquired of the General if he had received such an application. The General said he had, and was asked what he was going to do. He answered that it would be looked into. This seemed to the General very unusual, for a President to be looking after such things.
“I had gone to Washington to look after pay that was due three of my sons when killed. While sitting with Gen. Anderson in his room, soon after my arrival, a knock was heard at the door. A boy entered with a note from the Secretary of War, saying he had just heard of my arrival and desired to see me.”
“The next morning as soon as I could I went to his office. When I met him he was very cordial with me; conversed about the murder of Mr. Lincoln and the utter collapse of the rebellion, as well as the great loss in my family. I spoke to him about my business, and he at once directed matters so that it would be attended to without delay. The Secretary then said to me that it was through my direction that Mr. Lincoln and himself had been able to thwart the late conspirators in many of their diabolical schemes during the war, and that they failed only in one—that of preventing the murder of the President.
“In speaking of this sad calamity the great tears stood in his eyes. 'But,' said he, 'my dear friend Lyon, we are now standing upon the verge of a volcano, and this time, if the schemes of the conspirators can be carried out, we will be in more danger than ever; and we who have just put this great rebellion down will be compelled to play the part of rebels ourselves in the next great drama.'
“I was almost struck dumb by this announcement, and thought the Secretary was perhaps unnecessarily alarmed at some minor matter. He rang his bell for a messenger, and sent him across the street for the General of the Army. He soon came in, and after pleasant greetings we all retired to the Secretary's private room. There he was about to make me acquainted with this whole matter, when the General said to the Secretary that he desired his Chief of Staff to be present. He was sent for, and soon entered. I was put under a pledge of secrecy, and then the whole scheme was revealed to me as I have told it to you, except that it was given to me more in detail. The name of their secret informant was given, and I was then truly surprised and could no longer doubt the facts as to the conspiracy for the second rebellion. The man who had unfolded the scheme to the Secretary of War and to the General of the Army was a man of reputation in a marked degree; had held a high position in the Confederate service, but had seen enough of war, and also respected his parole to the General of our Army.