Although these facts will not suffice to establish that sort of dependence de iure, which zealous Papal partizans have asserted as the normal condition of the English church, they do indisputably prove that the example, advice and authority of the See of Rome were very highly regarded among our forefathers. It was impossible that it should be otherwise; and there is not the slightest doubt that—despite the Keltic clergy—the Anglosaxon church looked with affection and respect to Rome as the source of its own being. Respect and high regard were paid to Rome in Gaul long before Theodore; but not such submission as our countrymen, less acquainted no doubt with their danger, were zealous to pay. Indeed, when we consider the position of the Roman See towards the North of Europe, during the interval from the commencement of the seventh till that of the ninth century, we can scarcely escape from the conclusion that England was the great basis of papal operations, and the ποῦ στῶ from which Rome moved her world. In the ninth century a continental author calls the English “maxime familiares apostolicae sedis[[860]],” and in the tenth century it was unquestionably England that made the greatest progress, even if it did not take the initiative with regard to the revival of monachism and the great question of clerical celibacy. In short, throughout, the most energetic and successful missionaries of Rome were Englishmen.
But England nevertheless retained in some sense a national church. Many circumstances combined to ensure a very considerable amount of independence in this country. On the continent of Europe the prelates and clergy whom the invasions of the barbarians found established in the cities were, in fact, Roman provincials; and this character continued for a very long time to modify their relations toward the conquerors: in Britain, either Christianity was never widely and generally spread, or it retreated before the steady advance of the pagan Saxons. It is remarkable that we nowhere hear of the existence of Christian churches before Augustine, except in the territory exclusively British, and in the household of Æðelberht’s Frankish queen, the latter an exception of little moment.
But no sooner do the first missionary prelates vanish from the scene, than we find them replaced by Saxons belonging to the noblest and most powerful families, and thus connecting the clergy with the state by that most close and intimate tie which forms the strongest and least objectionable security for both. Berhtwald, the eighth archbishop of Canterbury, was a very near relative of the Mercian king Æðelred; Aldhelm was closely connected with the royal family of Wessex; and even down to the Conquest we find the scions of the royal and noble houses occupying distinguished stations in the ministry of the Church. It is obvious how much this near and intimate association with the national aristocracy must have tended to diminish the evils of a separate institution, having some kind of dependence upon a foreign centre; and when to this it is added that the principal clergy, as ministers of state and members of the Witena gemót, had a clear and distinct interest in the maintenance of good government, and a personal share in its administration, we can easily understand why the clergy were, generally speaking, kept better within bounds in England than in other contemporaneous states[[861]]. Guilty of extravagancies the clergy were here, no doubt, as elsewhere; but on the whole their position was not unfavourable to the harmonious working of the state; and the history of the Anglosaxons is perhaps as little deformed as any by the ambition and power, and selfish class-interests of the clergy[[862]]. On the other hand it cannot be denied that in England, as in other countries, the laity are under the greatest obligations to them, partly for rescuing some branches of learning from total neglect, and partly for the counterpoise which their authority presented to the rude and forcible government of a military aristocracy. Ridiculous as it would be to affirm that their influence was never exerted for mischievous purposes, or that this institution was always free from the imperfections and evils which belong to all human institutions, it would be still more unworthy of the dignity of history to affect to undervalue the services which they rendered to society. If in the pursuit of private and corporate advantages they occasionally seemed likely to prefer the separate to the general good, they did no more than all bodies of men have done,—no more than is necessary to ensure the active co-operation of all bodies of men in any one line of conduct. But, whatever their class-interests may from time to time have led them to do, let it be remembered that they existed as a permanent mediating authority between the rich and the poor, the strong and the weak, and that, to their eternal honour, they fully comprehended and performed the duties of this most noble position. To none but themselves would it have been permitted to stay the strong hand of power, to mitigate the just severity of the law, to hold out a glimmering of hope to the serf, to find a place in this world and a provision for the destitute, whose existence the state did not even recognize. That the church of Christ does not necessarily and indispensably imply that form of ministration or constitution called Episcopal, is certain; but on the other hand let us not listen too readily to the doctrine which represents episcopacy as inconsistent with Christianity. To put it only on the lowest grounds, there is great convenience in it; and though there are no peculiar priests under the Christian dispensation, it is very useful that there should be persons specially appointed and educated to perform functions necessary to the moral and religious training of the people, and superior officers charged with the inspection over those persons. It would be difficult for the State to ascertain the condition of its members, as regards the most important of all considerations,—their moral capability of obedience to the law,—without such a body of recognized ministers and recognized inspectors. Accordingly the Anglosaxon State at once recognized the Bishops as State officers.
The circumstances under which the establishment of Christianity took place naturally threw a great power of superintendence and interference into the hands of the kings: from the beginning we find them taking a very active part both in the formation of sees, the appointment of bishops, and other public measures touching the government of the church and—within this—the relation of the clergy to the state. The privileges and rights conceded to the clerical body were granted by the king and his witan, and enjoyed under their guarantee; and down to the last moment of the Anglosaxon monarchy we find the episcopal elections or appointments to have been controlled by them. Indeed as the clergy, the people and the state may be said to have been duly represented by the Witena gemót, an episcopal election made by them appears to possess in all respects the genuine character of a canonical election: and in times when there were no parliamentary struggles to make single votes valuable, there seems no reason whatever to question that this mode was found satisfactory. The loose manner in which the early writers mention the appointment of the bishops, hardly permits us to draw any very definite conclusions; yet it would seem natural that, where the whole missionary work depended upon the goodwill of the king, the latter, with or without his council, would exercise a paramount authority in all matters of detail. Accordingly, though we do meet with instances in which the free election of prelates may be assumed, we do far more frequently find them both appointed and displaced by the mere act of the royal will[[863]]. The case of Wessex in the seventh century is instructive. Ægilberht, a Frank, had succeeded Birinus, the first missionary bishop; but, from some cause or other, he lost the favour of the king[[864]], who proposed to divide his diocese, which was too large in fact for one prelate, and to appoint Wini, a native Westsaxon, to the second see. Ægilberht then withdrew from England in disgust, and the king committed the undivided bishopric to Wini: but on some subsequent misunderstanding, this bishop was expelled from Wessex, and afterwards purchased the see of London from Wulfhari, king of the Mercians. Coinwalh then applied for and obtained another bishop from Gaul in the person of Liuthari or Lothaire, Ægilberht’s nephew. Equally great irregularities seem to have been admitted in respect to the Northumbrian sees in the time of Wilfrið; and indeed throughout the Anglosaxon history it appears that the ruling powers, that is the king and the witan, did in fact succeed in retaining the nomination of the bishops in their own hands[[865]]. I have already mentioned instances of episcopal nominations by the witena gemót[[866]], and called attention to the significant fact of so many royal chaplains promoted to sees[[867]]. It is difficult no doubt to withstand a royal recommendation, and though in the case of the Anglosaxon prelates this does not always seem to have ensured the canonical virtues, it perhaps very sufficiently supplied their want. After the appointment or election had thus been made, it was usual for the bishop elect to make his profession of faith to his metropolitan; then to receive episcopal consecration from him, assisted by such of his suffragans as he thought fit. He then most likely received seizin of the temporalities in the usual way by royal writ. The following is the instrument issued in 1060, for the temporalities of the see of Hereford, on the appointment of Walther, queen Eádgyfu’s Lorraine chaplain. “Eadwardus rex saluto Haroldum comitem et Osbearnum, et omnes meos ministros in Herefordensi comitatu amicabiliter. Et ego notifico vobis quod ego concessi Waltero episcopo istum episcopatum hic vobiscum, et omnia universa illa quae ad ipsum cum iusticia pertinent infra portum et extra, cum saca et cum socna, tam plene et tam plane sicut ipsum aliquis episcopus ante ipsum prius habuit in omnibus rebus. Et si illic sit aliqua terra extra dimissa quae illuc intus cum iustitia pertinet, ego volo quod ipsa reveniat in ipsum episcopatum, vel ille homo ipsam dimittat eidem in suo praetio, si quis ipsam cum eo invenire possit. Et ego nolo ullum hominem licentiare quod ei de manibus rapiat aliquam suam rem quam ipse iuste habere debet, et ego ei sic concessi[[868]].”
As this is obviously, indeed professedly, a Latin translation, I subjoin copies of the similar writs issued on the occasion of Gisa’s appointment to the see of Wells[[869]].
“✠ Eadward king grét Harold erl and Aylnóð abbot and Godwine schýre réuen and alle míne þeynes on Sumerseten frendlíche; and ich kýðe eów ðæt ich habbe geunnen Gisan mínan préste ðes biscopríche hér mid eów and alre ðare þinge ðás ðe ðǽr mid richte tógebyrað, on wóde and on felde, mid saca and mid sócna, binnon porte and bútan, swó ful and swó forð swó Duduc biscop oð ány biscop hit firmest him tóforen hauede on ællem þingan. And gif hér áni land sý out of ðám biscopríche gedon, ich wille ðæt hit cume in ongeæn óðer ðæt man hit ofgo on hire gemóð swó man wið him bet finde mage. And ich bidde eóu allen ðæt ge him fulstan tó dríuan Godes gerichte lóck huer hit neod sý and he eówwer fultumes biðurfe. And ich nelle nánne man geðefien ðæt him úram honde teó ánige ðáre þinge ðás ðe ich him unnen habben[[870]].”
“✠ Eadward king grét Harold erl, and Aylnóð abbot, and Godwine and ealle míne þeines on Sumerseten frendlíche; ich queðe eóu ðæt ich wille ðæt Gyse biscop beó ðisses biscopríches wrðe heerinne mid eóu. And álch ðáre þinge ðe ðás ðár mid richte tógebyrað binnan porte and bután, mid saca and mid sócna, swó uol and swó uorð swó hit éni biscop him tóuoren formest haueð on ealle þing. And ich bidde eóu alle ðæt ge him beón on fultome Cristendóm tó sprekene, lóc whar hit þarf sý and eówer fultumes beðurfe eal swó ich getrowwen tó eów habben ðat ge him on fultume beón willen. And gif what sý mid unlage out of ðán biscopríche geydón sý hit londe óðer an oððer þinge ðár fulstan him uor mínan luuen ðæt hit in ongeyn cume swó swó ge for Gode witen ðat hit richt sý. God eú ealle gehealde[[871]].”
The metropolitans themselves were to receive consecration from one another, in order that the expense and trouble of going to Rome might be avoided: but during the abeyance of the archiepiscopate of York, the prelate elect of Canterbury appears to have been sometimes consecrated in Gaul, sometimes by a conclave of suffragan bishops at home: thus in 731 Tátwine was consecrated at Canterbury by Daniel, Ingwald, Aldwine and Aldwulf, the respective bishops of Winchester, London, Worcester and Rochester[[872]]; and Pope Gregory the Third either made or acknowledged this consecration to be valid by the transmission of a pall in 733. We have no evidence by whom the consecrations were performed, in many cases, but it is probable that the old rule was adhered to as much as possible. In 1020, Æðelnóð was consecrated to Canterbury by archbishop Wulfstán: the ceremony took place at Canterbury on the 13th of November[[873]] in that year: and since in many cases the ordination of archbishops is mentioned without any details, but yet as preliminary to their going to Rome for their palls, it is likely that the chroniclers tacitly assumed the custom of reciprocal functions in Canterbury and York to be too well known to require description.
When the nomination or election by the king and his witan had taken place, it is probable that a royal mandate was sent to the metropolitan, to perform the ceremony of consecration. We have yet the instrument by which Wulfstán of York certifies to Cnut the performance of this duty in the case of archbishop Æðelnóð[[874]]: the archbishop says:—“Wulfstán the archbishop greets Cnut his lord, and Ælfgyfu the lady, humbly: and I notify to you both, dear ones, that we have done as notice came from you to us respecting bishop Æðelwold, namely that we have now consecrated him.” He then prays that the new prelate may have all the rights and dues granted to him, which have been usual, and enjoyed by his predecessors: which perhaps is to be understood as a formal demand that the temporalities may be properly conferred upon him. There can be no manner of doubt as to the meaning of the word swutelung, which I have rendered by notice, and Lingard by order[[875]]: it is a legal notification, and the technical word in a writ is swutelian. But I do not believe that Cnut was any more imperative in this matter than his predecessors had been. An Anglosaxon archbishop would never have found it a very safe thing to neglect a royal command by ancient right[[876]].
The bishops were in fact officers of the administration, and whatever importance their ecclesiastical functions may have possessed, their civil character was not of less moment. It is abundantly obvious that men of such a class, possessing nearly a monopoly of what learning existed, would be necessarily called to assist in the national councils, and would be very generally employed in the diplomatic intercourse with foreign countries: few persons of equal rank would have been competent to conduct a negotiation carried on in writing: and there is no doubt that their high position in the universal institution of the church rendered them at that period the fittest persons to manage those affairs which concerned the general family of nations. Moreover a close alliance always existed in England between the aristocracy and the clergy: faithful service of the altar, like faithful service of the state, gave rank and dignity and privileges; and the ecclesiastical authority and influence of the bishop, as well as his habits of business, and general aptitude to advance the interests of the crown, frequently designated him to discharge the somewhat indefinite, but weighty, duties of what we now call a prime minister. Administration is in truth of such far greater importance than constitution, that we can readily see how greatly the social welfare of England did in reality depend upon this class, to whom so much of administrative detail was committed: and it was truly fortunate for the country that the clerical profession was one that a gentleman could devote himself to without disparagement, and therefore embraced so many distinguished members of the ruling class.