Huntingdon:—“Æðelwulfus decimo nono anno regni sui totam terram suam ad opus aecclesiarum decumavit, propter amorem Dei et redemptionem sui.”
Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris, upon the authority of Æðelwulf’s charter of 854, say:—“Eodem anno rex magnificus Athelwulfus decimam regni sui partem Deo et Beatae Mariae et omnibus sanctis contulit, liberam ab omnibus servitiis saecularibus exactionibus et tributis.” And again in 857, speaking of Æðelwulf’s will:—“Pro utilitate animae suae et salute, per omne regnum suum semper in decem hidis vel mansionibus pauperem unum indigenam, vel peregrinum cibo, potu et operimento, successoribus suis usque in finem saeculi post se pascere praecepit, ita tamen ut si terra illa pecoribus abundaret et ab hominibus coleretur.”
Malmesbury, who calls the charter of 854 “scriptum libertatis aecclesiarum quod toti concessit Angliae,” thus describes its effect:—“Ethelwulfus ... decimam omnium hidarum infra regnum suum Christi famulis concessit, liberam ab omnibus functionibus, absolutam ab omnibus inquietudinibus.” And in 857, with reference to Æðelwulfs will:—“Semperque ad finem saeculi in omni suae haereditatis decima hida pauperem vestiri et cibari praecepit.”
These passages obviously relate to two several transactions, one which took place in the year 854, before Æðelwulf’s visit to Rome, the second in the year 857, after his return to England: and the Codex Diplomaticus contains a series of documents referring to them[[991]]. A portion of these fall under the description of Malmesbury, viz. that of “scriptum libertatis aecclesiarum.” and as he cites one of them himself by that title, it is certain that these are what he intends. Now this document, after the usual proem, recites that Æðelwulf with the consent of his witan, not only gave the tenth part of the lands throughout his realm to holy churches, but granted to his ministers, appointed throughout the same, to have in perpetual freedom, so that his donation might remain for ever free from all royal and secular burthens: in consideration of which the bishops agreed to a special service weekly for the king and his nobles[[992]], every Saturday.
Another class, and probably the most genuine, comprises the numbers 275 and 1048; in these documents, which are also grants of immunity to the clergy and to laics, the granting words are as follows:—“Quamobrem ego Æðelwulfus rex Occidentalium Saxonum cum consilio episcoporum et principum meorum, consilium salubre atque uniforme remedium affirmavi; ut aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, antea possidentibus gradibus omnibus,—sive famulis et famulabus Dei Deo servientibus, sive laicis,—semper decimam mansionem, ubi minimum sit, tum decimam partem,—in libertatem perpetuam perdonare diiudicavi; ut sit tuta et munita ab omnibus saecularibus servitutibus, fiscis regalibus, tributis maioribus et minoribus, sive taxationibus quae nos dicimus Wíterǽden; sitque libera omnium rerum, pro remissione animarum et peccatorum nostrorum, Deo soli ad serviendum, sine expeditione, et pontis instructione et arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem saecularem in aliqua parte levigamus.” In consideration of this alleviation the grateful clergy were to perform on the Wednesday in every week the same services as the first class of documents stipulates for the Saturday. It is to be observed that the two documents of this particular class, though the authority for them is of the lowest description, and the dates are altogether suspicious, seem to be of a much more genuine character as to the grant itself than the first class: there is a certain satisfactory accuracy about the definition of Wíterǽden which is in so far suggestive of an authentic original; and when we translate the very bad Latin “sine expeditione,” etc. by the genuine “bútan fyrdfare,” etc., we shall have the following reasonable account to give of the proceedings. Æðelwulf, being humbled and terrified by the distresses of wars and the ravages of barbarous and pagan invaders, devised as a useful remedy thus; he determined to liberate from all those various exactions and services which went by the general name of wíteræden, the tenth part of the estates which, though hereditary tenure had grown up in them, were still subject to the ancient burthens of folcland, whether they were in the hands of laics or clergy; that where the estate amounted to ten hides, one was to be free; where it was a very small quantity, at all events a tenth was to be so enfranchised: and as the greater part of this land either was in the hands of the clergy, or was very likely ultimately to come there, he granted this charitable act of enfranchisement that on these estates the holders might be the better able to devote themselves to the service of God, all other service being discharged, except indeed the inevitable three. This seems best to accord with Asser’s assertion that the king sacrificed to God the services which arose to himself over a tenth part of all his realm. Now it is to be observed that this could not apply to booklands which already possessed an exemption, but only to folcland, whether become hereditary or not; nor could regnum possibly mean territory, but royal rights, for Æðelwulf had no territory except his private estates; nor could the “trinoda necessitas” be called a “regale servitium et tributum.” These were the dues demandable by the king from folcland, and could only be discharged by consent of the Wítan. The expression of Simeon appears also to be susceptible of no other translation: when he says the king tithed “totum regni sui imperium,” I can see no territorial division in his words, but only that the king relinquished a tenth part of those imperial rights which he had as king.
A third class of documents however yet remains to be considered. In these a clear division of lands is intended and is recorded. The first of these in point of time are the Nos. 1051 and 1052, which bear the suspicious dates of Easter in the year 854, the first indiction, and the palace at Wilton: that is, with the exception of the indiction, the dates of the first class of documents. These two charters declare that Æðelwulf being determined by the advice of St. Swithin to tithe the lands of all the realm that God had given him[[993]], increased the estate which queen Friðogyð had granted to the church at Winchester, in Taunton, by a certain amount of hides in various places. These are followed by another of the same year, but with the proper indiction, viz. the second, declaring that on the same occasion he gave other lands to Winchester[[994]]; and in the succeeding year 855, we find him giving an estate in Kent to Dun a minister or thane, “pro decimatione agrorum, quam Deo donante, caeteris ministris meis facere decrevi.” I do not very much insist upon giving one sense rather than another to this “pro decimatione,” and am ready to admit that it may mean, ‘in respect of the general tithing of lands which I intend to make to yourself as well as the rest of my thanes,’ or that it may be read, ‘in place of that tithing of lands which I intend to make to the rest of my thanes, I give you such and such a particular estate.’ We must not be very fastidious with Æðelwulf’s Latin, especially as there is much reason to believe that in this case it is a mere translation of what would have been far more intelligible and trustworthy Saxon.
Trustworthy, however, I can hardly term the last document I have to notice[[995]], Saxon though it be: this appears to be one of a very suspicious series of instruments, prepared for the purpose of corroborating some ancient claim on the part of Winchester, to have its hundred hides at Chilcombe rated at one hide only. It bears marks of forgery in every line, and seems to have been made up out of some history of Æðelwulf’s sojourn in Rome, but still is worth citing as evidence of the tradition respecting tithe:—“In the name of him who writeth in the book of life in heaven those who in this life please him well, I Æðulf the king in this writ notify concerning the franchise of Chilcombe, which Kynegils the king, who first of all the kings in Wessex became a Christian, granted to his baptismal father Saint Birinus; and which since then all the kings who have succeeded one another in Wessex have enfranchised and advanced, although it never was reduced to writing until the time of myself, who am the ninth king. Also I notify that I established this franchise before Saint Peter in Rome, and the holy Pope Leo, even so as it was settled between me and all my people, ere I went to Rome, that is, that all the land comprised in this franchise shall for ever be acquitted for one hide; because God’s possessions should ever be more free than any worldly possession: and also my son Ælfred, who went with me and was there consecrated king, pledged himself to the Pope, both to further this franchise himself, and to urge his children to the same, if God should grant him any. I also, before the same Pope, tithed all the landed possessions which I had in England, to God, into holy places for myself and for all my people: and in Rome with the assistance and by the leave of the Pope, I wrought a minster for the honour of God and to the worship of Saint Mary, his holy mother, and placed therein a company of English, who ever both by night and day shall serve God, for our people: and when I returned home I told all the people what I had done in Rome. And they very earnestly thanked both God and me for this, and all this pleased them well, and they said that with their good will it should be so for ever. Now I implore, through the holy Trinity and Saint Peter, and all the halidome that I visited in Rome, both for myself and my people, that never either king or prince, bishop or ealdorman, thane or reeve diminish what hath been established with such witness: doubtless he that doth so will anger God and Saint Peter, and all the saints that repose in the churches at Rome, and miserably earn for himself the punishments of hell. Moreover, the aforesaid holy Pope Leo laid God’s curse and Saint Peter’s, and all the Saints’ and his own, on him that ever violates this; and also all this people both ordained and laic did the like when I returned home and announced this to them.”
If these data then be correct, Æðelwulf did three distinct things at different times: he first released from all payments, except the inevitable three, a tenth part of the folclands or unenfranchised lands, whether in the tenancy of the church or of his thanes. In this tenth part of the lands so burthened in his favour he annihilated the royal rights, regnum or imperium; and as the lands receiving this privilege were secured by charter, the Chronicle can justly say that the king booked them to the honour of God. A second thing he did, inasmuch as he gave a tenth part of his own private estates of bookland to various thanes or clerical establishments. And lastly, upon every ten hides of his own land he commanded that one poor man, whether native born or stranger, that is, whether of Wessex or some other kingdom, should be maintained in food and clothing. It is unnecessary to waste words in showing how utterly different all this really is from any grant of tithe, and how entirely unfounded is the opinion that Æðelwulf made the first legal enactment in behalf of tithe in this country. All that it proves is, that Æðelwulf made a handsome endowment for the clergy, and that a tenth part or a tenth person seemed to him to mark the proper proportion between what he kept and what he gave up. It renders it probable that the claim to tithe had already become familiar, since Æðelwulf divided his land by ten; but it also shows that even the Levitical tithe itself was misrepresented, if he believed this donation of his to bear any resemblance to it. We may suppose the squire in a country parish to have let the parson a house, and subsequently excused him a tenth of the rent. This might be a very charitable act, and might be done from very pure religious motives; but it would scarcely be called tithe in the proper ecclesiastical sense of that word. This is precisely what Æðelwulf did in Wessex.
In addition to leohtsceat, or money paid to supply lights, sulhælmysse or plough-alms, and sáwlsceat, a present made to the church where a testator desired to rest, in consideration of religious services to be performed for the good of his soul, there was a due commonly known under the name of cyricsceat. It is not clear what was the nature of this impost, and its amount is uncertain, as well as the persons who were liable to its payment. But in all probability it was at first a recognitory rent paid to the particular churches from estates leased by them; not so much in the nature of a fair equivalent for the use of such lands, but as a token of beneficiary tenure, in the spirit of the following words:—“Solventes inde censum per singulos annos missis rectorum praedicti monasterii, iv denarios in festivitate sancti Remigii Confessoris, ne videamur eas ex proprio, sed iure beneficiario possidere[[996]].” It is therefore not unusual to find this impost particularly mentioned in church-leases, under the names of cyricsceat, census aecclesiasticus, cyriclád, aecclesiae munus, and similar terms. The true character of the payment appears from two very clear examples which I shall quote at length. “That in truth may say the thane Ælfsige Hunláfing in respect to his obtaining this land free from every burthen, to himself and his heirs, except burhbót, bridge-work, and military service, remembering to his landlord, cyricsceat, sáwlsceat and his tithes[[997]].” This landlord was a bishop, in all probability, but he is not named.
In the year 902, Denewulf bishop of Winchester leased fifteen hides of land to Beornwulf and his heirs, reserving a rent of forty-five shillings yearly. “And every year let him assist in the bót of the church[[998]] which that land belongeth to, in the same proportion as the other folk do, each by the measure of his land; and let him justly pay his cyricsceat, and perform his military service and bridge and fortress work, as they do throughout all the folk[[999]].”