The kingly dignity among the Anglosaxons was partly hereditary, partly elective: that is to say, the kings were usually taken from certain qualified families, but the witan claimed the right of choosing the person whom they would have to reign. Their history is filled with instances of occasions when the sons or direct descendants of the last king have been set aside in favour of his brother or some other prince whom the nation believed more capable of ruling: and the very rare occurrence of discontent on such occasions both proves the authority which the decision of the witan carried with it, and the great discretion with which their power was exercised. Only here and there, when the witan were themselves not unanimous, do we find any traces of dissensions arising out of a disputed succession[[540]]. On every fresh accession, the great compact between the king and the people was literally, as well as symbolically, renewed, and the technical expression for ascending the throne is being “gecoren and áhafen tó cyninge,” elected and raised to be king: where the áhafen refers to the old Teutonic custom of what we still at election times call chairing the successful candidate; and the gecoren denotes the positive and foregone conclusion of a real election. Alfred’s own accession is a familiar instance of this fact: he was chosen, to the prejudice of his elder brother’s children; but the nation required a prince capable of coping with dangers and difficulty, and Asser tells us that he was not only received as king by the unanimous assent of the people, but that, had he so pleased, he might have dethroned his brother Æðelred and reigned in his place[[541]]. His words are: “In the same year (871) the aforesaid Ælfred, who hitherto, during the life of his brother, had held a secondary place, immediately upon Æðelred’s death, by the grace of God, assumed the government of the whole realm, with the greatest goodwill of all the inhabitants of the kingdom; which indeed, even during his aforesaid brother’s life, he might, had he chosen, have done with the greatest ease, and by the universal consent; truly, because both in wisdom and in all good qualities he much excelled all his brothers; and moreover because he was particularly warlike, and successful in nearly all his battles[[542]].”
Not one word have we here about his nephews, or any rights they might possess: and Asser seems to think royalty itself a matter entirely dependent upon the popular will, and the good opinion entertained by the nation of its king. I shall conclude this head by citing a few instances from Saxon documents of the intervention of the witan in a king’s election and inauguration.
In 924, the Chronicle says: “This year died Eádweard the king at Fearndún, among the Mercians ... and Æðelstán was chosen king by the Mercians, and consecrated at Kingston.”
Florence of Worcester, an. 959, distinctly asserts that Eádgar was elected by all the people of England,—“ab omni Anglorum populo electus ... regnum suscepit.”
In 979, the Chronicle again says: “This year Æðelred took to the kingdom; and he was soon after consecrated king at Kingston, with great rejoicing of the English witan.”
In 1016, the election of Eádmund írensída is thus related: “Then befel it that king Æðelred died ... and then after his death, all the witan who were in London, and the townsmen, chose Eádmund to be king.” Again in 1017: “This year was Cnut elected king.”
In 1036 again we have these words: “This year died Cnut the king at Salisbury ... and soon after his decease there was a gemót of all the witan (‘ealra witena gemót’) at Oxford: and Leófríc the eorl, and almost all the thanes north of the Thames, and the lithsmen in London chose Harald to be chief of all England; to him and his brother Hardacnut who was in Denmark.” This election was opposed unsuccessfully by Godwine and the men of Wessex.
The Chronicle contains a very important entry under the date 1014. Upon the death of Swegen, we are told that his army elected Cnut king: “But all the witan who were in England, both clerical and lay, decided to send after king Æðelred[[543]]; and they declared that no lord could be dearer to them than their natural lord, if he would rule them more justly than he had done before. Then the king sent his son Eádweard hither, with his messengers, and commanded them to greet all his people[[544]]; and he said that he would be a loving lord to them, and amend all those things which they all abhorred; and that everything which had been said or done against him should be forgiven, on condition that they all, with one consent and without deceit, would be obedient to him. Then they established full friendship, by word and pledge on either side, and declared every Danish king an outlaw from England for ever.”
Cnut nevertheless succeeded; but after the extinction of his short-lived dynasty, we are told that all the people elected Eádweard the Confessor king. “1041. This year died Hardacnut.... And before he was buried, all the people elected Eádweard king, at London.” Another manuscript reads:—“1042. This year died Hardacnut, as he stood at his drink.... And all the people then received Eádweard for their king, as was his true natural right.”
One more quotation from a manuscript of the Saxon Chronicle shall conclude this head:—“1066. In this year was hallowed the minster at Westminster on Childermas-day (Dec. 28th). And king Eádweard died on the eve of Twelfth-day, and he was buried on Twelfth-day in the newly consecrated church at Westminster. And Harald the earl succeeded to the kingdom of England, even as the king had granted it unto him, and men also had elected him thereto. And he was consecrated king on Twelfth-day.”