But when at last he did reach port, and the news of the capture was given to the reporters, the whole North went wild with joy, and the rest of the civilized world, and especially Great Britain, was stirred as rarely, if ever before, by the capture of an envoy. Even Secretary of the Navy Welles lost his head and officially wrote to Wilkes: “Your conduct in seizing these public enemies was marked by intelligence, ability, decision, and firmness, and has the emphatic approval of this department.” As for the people of Boston, it may be said that not in all the years since the War of 1812 had they made such demonstrations over a naval officer. Even Hull, with the Guerrière crew on board the Constitution, did not receive so much banqueting; and Congress passed enthusiastically a resolution requesting the President to give Wilkes a gold medal.
To the writer hereof it seems that the story of all this excitement is worth careful consideration, not so much because it was incited by the capture of two enemies of the flag, but because it was an expression of feeling against the British. For the capture of Mason and Slidell could not harm the Confederates greatly. There were other statesmen in the South to take their place. But they had been taken from a British ship, and the people at the North then believed that the British government, while publicly professing friendship for their cause, was secretly doing everything possible to aid the South. The enthusiasm over Wilkes appears to have been in good part a protest against what was then called British hypocrisy and enmity for the North. So great was this enthusiasm, that for a man to openly express the opinion that a grave mistake had been made was to incur the most rabid denunciations—to be called a “copperhead” and a “traitor” and a “toady.”
Meantime the British were, as said, but little less excited than the Americans, though for quite a different reason. A British packet ship had been assaulted on the high seas while making her usual voyage between neutral ports, and the people—especially the seafaring people—wanted to know what their government was going to do about it. As a matter of fact, they did not have to wait long to learn.
“Richard Williams, Commander R.N., and Admiralty agent in charge of mails” on the Trent, made his report under date of November 9th, and this in due time reached Lord Russell, the British Prime Minister. A Cabinet meeting was called to consider the matter, and on November 30, 1861, Russell sent a despatch to Lord Lyons, the British Minister at Washington, of which the following are the important paragraphs:
“It thus appears that certain individuals have been forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral Power, while such vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage, an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag, and a violation of international law.
“Her Majesty’s Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the United States’ naval officer who committed this aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his Government, or that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the instructions which he had received.
“For the Government of the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront to the national honour to pass without full reparation, and Her Majesty’s Government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into discussion between the two Governments a question of so grave a character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling.”
In another letter of the same date Lord Russell added the following, setting a time limit with instructions in case the British demand was not allowed:
“In my previous despatch of this date I have instructed you, by command of Her Majesty, to make certain demands of the Government of the United States.
“Should Mr. Seward ask for delay in order that this grave and painful matter should be deliberately considered, you will consent to a delay not exceeding seven days. If, at the end of that time, no answer is given, or if any other answer is given except that of a compliance with the demands of Her Majesty’s Government, your Lordship is instructed to leave Washington with all the members of your Legation, bringing with you the archives of the Legation, and to repair immediately to London.”