When the Democratic Conference was first proposed to Kerensky, he suggested an assembly of all the elements in the nation—“the live forces,” as he called them—including bankers, manufacturers, land-owners, and representatives of the Cadet party. The Soviet refused, and drew up the following table of representation, which Kerensky agreed to:

100 delegatesAll-Russian Soviets Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies
100 delegatesAll-Russian Soviets Peasants’ Deputies
50 delegatesProvincial Soviets Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies
50 delegatesPeasants’ District Land Committees
100 delegatesTrade Unions
84 delegatesArmy Committees at the Front
150 delegatesWorkers’ and Peasants’ Cooperative Societies
20 delegatesRailway Workers’ Union
10 delegatesPost and Telegraph Workers’ Union
20 delegatesCommercial Clerks
15 delegatesLiberal Professions—Doctors, Lawyers, Journalists, etc.
50 delegatesProvincial Zemstvos
59 delegatesNationalist Organisations—Poles, Ukraineans, etc.

This proportion was altered twice or three times. The final disposition of delegates was:

300 delegatesAll-Russian Soviets Workers’, Soldiers’ & Peasants’ Deputies
300 delegatesCooperative Societies
300 delegatesMunicipalities
150 delegatesArmy Committees at the Front
150 delegatesProvincial Zemstvos
200 delegatesTrade Unions
100 delegatesNationalist Organisations
200 delegatesSeveral small groups

3.
THE FUNCTION OF THE SOVIETS IS ENDED

On September 28th, 1917, Izviestia, organ of the Tsay-ee-kah, published an article which said, speaking of the last Provisional Ministry:

“At last a truly democratic government, born of the will of all classes of the Russian people, the first rough form of the future liberal parliamentary régime, has been formed. Ahead of us is the Constituent Assembly, which will solve all questions of fundamental law, and whose composition will be essentially democratic. The function of the Soviets is at an end, and the time is approaching when they must retire, with the rest of the revolutionary machinery, from the stage of a free and victorious people, whose weapons shall hereafter be the peaceful ones of political action.”

The leading article of Izviestia for October 23d was called, “The Crisis in the Soviet Organisations.” It began by saying that travellers reported a lessening activity of local Soviets everywhere. “This is natural,” said the writer. “For the people are becoming interested in the more permanent legislative organs—the Municipal Dumas and the Zemstvs….

“In the important centres of Petrograd and Moscow, where the Soviets were best organised, they did not take in all the democratic elements…. The majority of the intellectuals did not participate, and many workers also; some of the workers because they were politically backward, others because the centre of gravity for them was in their Unns…. We cannot deny that these organisations are firmly united with the masses, whose everyday needs are better served by them….

“That the local democratic administrations are being energetically organised is highly important. The City Dumas are elected by universal suffrage, and in purely local matters have more authority than the Soviets. Not a single democrat will see anything wrong in this….