The expedition consisted of forty canoes, carrying from ten to twenty men each. Thompson and myself armed ourselves with cutlasses and pistols, but the natives, although they had a plenty of European arms, took with them only their daggers and cheetolths, with a few bows and arrows, the latter being about a yard in length, and pointed with copper, mussel-shell, or bone; the bows are four feet and a half long, with strings made of whale sinew.
To go to A-y-chart, we ascended, from twenty to thirty miles,[120] a river about the size of that of Tashees, the banks of which are high and covered with wood. At midnight we came in sight of the village, which was situated on the west bank near the shore, on a steep hill difficult of access, and well calculated for defence. It consisted of fifteen or sixteen houses, smaller than those at Nootka, and built in the same style, but compactly placed. By Maquina's directions, the attack was deferred until the first appearance of dawn, as he said that was the time when men slept the soundest.
At length, all being ready for the attack, we landed with the greatest silence, and, going around so as to come upon the foe in the rear, clambered up the hill, and while the natives, as is their custom, entered the several huts creeping on all-fours, my comrade and myself stationed ourselves without to intercept those who should attempt to escape or come to the aid of their friends. I wished, if possible, not to stain my hands in the blood of any fellow-creature; and though Thompson would gladly have put to death all the savages in the country, he was too brave to think of attacking a sleeping enemy.
Having entered the houses, on the war-whoop being given by Maquina as he seized the head of the chief and gave him the fatal blow, all proceeded to the work of death. The A-y-charts, being thus surprised, were unable to make resistance, and, with the exception of a very few who were so fortunate as to make their escape, were all killed, or taken prisoners on condition of becoming slaves to their captors. I had the good fortune to take four captives, whom Maquina, as a favour, permitted me to consider as mine, and occasionally employ them in fishing for me. As for Thompson, who thirsted for revenge, he had no wish to take any prisoners, but with his cutlass, the only weapon he would employ against them, succeeded in killing seven stout fellows who came to attack him, an act which obtained him great credit with Maquina and the chiefs, who after this held him in much higher estimation, and gave him the appellation of "Chehiel-suma-har," it being the name of a very celebrated warrior of their nation in ancient times, whose exploits were the constant theme of their praise.
After having put to death all the old and infirm of either sex, as is the barbarous practice of these people, and destroyed the buildings, we re-embarked with our booty in our canoes for Nootka, where we were received with great demonstrations of joy by the women and children, accompanying our war-song with a most furious drumming on the houses. The next day a great feast was given by Maquina in celebration of his victory, which was terminated, as usual, with a dance by Sat-sat-sok-sis.[121]
Repeated applications had been made to Maquina by a number of kings or chiefs to purchase me, especially after he had showed them the harpoon I had made for him, which he took much pride in, but he constantly refused to part with me on any terms. Among these, the king of the Wickinninish was particularly solicitous to obtain me, having twice applied to Maquina for that purpose, once in a very formal manner, by sending his messenger with four canoes, who, as he approached the shore, decorated in their highest style, with the white down on his head, etc., declared that he came to buy "Tooteyoohannis," the name by which I was known to them, for his master, and that he had brought for that purpose four young male slaves, two highly ornamented canoes, such a number of the skins of metamelth, and of the quartlack,[122] or sea-otter, and so many fathoms of cloth and of Ife-whaw, while, as he mentioned the different articles, they were pointed out or held up by his attendants; but even this tempting offer had no influence on Maquina, who in the latter part of the summer was again very strongly urged to sell me by Ulatilla, or, as he is generally called, Machee Ulatilla, chief of the Klaizzarts,[123] who had come to Nootka on a visit.
This chief, who could speak tolerable English, had much more the appearance of a civilised man than any of the savages that I saw. He appeared to be about thirty, was rather small in his person, but extremely well formed, with a skin almost as fair as that of an European, good features, and a countenance expressive of candour and amiableness, and which was almost always brightened with a smile. He was much neater both in his dress and person than any of the other chiefs, seldom wearing paint, except upon his eyebrows, which, after the custom of his country, were plucked out, and a few strips of the pelpelth on the lower part of his face. He always treated me with much kindness, was fond of conversing with me in English and in his own language, asking me many questions relative to my country, its manners, customs, etc., and appeared to take a strong interest in my fate, telling me that if he could persuade Maquina to part with me, he would put me on board the first ship that came to his country, a promise which, from his subsequent conduct, I have good reason to think he would have performed, as my deliverance at length from captivity and suffering was, under the favour of Divine Providence, wholly owing to him, the only letter that ever reached an European or American vessel out of sixteen that I wrote at different times and sent to various parts of the coast, having been delivered by him in person. So much pleased was I with this man's behaviour to me while at Nootka, that I made for him a cheetolth, which I burnished highly, and engraved with figures. With this he was greatly delighted. I also would have made for him a harpoon, would Maquina have consented.
With hearts full of dejection and almost lost to hope, no ship having appeared off Nootka this season, did my companion and myself accompany the tribe on their removal in September to Tashees, relinquishing in consequence for six months even the remotest expectation of relief.
FOOTNOTES:
[118] This habit—unfortunately not peculiar to the Indians—is still occasionally indulged in. The reason they give for it is, that when the great flood covered the earth—a tradition that is found among other North-West American Indians—they escaped in their canoes, and had to eat lice for lack of any other food, and now practise it out of gratitude. The superstitious observances of these tribes are so numerous that the merest account of those known would fill a volume. One or two interesting instances may be mentioned:—Thus, in sneezing, there is good luck if the right nostril is alone affected. But if the left, then evil fortune is at hand. When they pare their nails, which is not often, they burn the parings, and if the smoke from them goes straight up, their latter end will be good; if not, they will go to the place of punishment. They used to regard—and perhaps still regard—the whites not as human beings, but as a sort of demons.