“I endeavored, as early as possible, to gain information respecting the object of your inquiry. But it was a difficult matter, none of my acquaintance knowing anything more of it than what had appeared in the public papers. Yesterday, however, I was informed, by a gentleman who I believe has some more knowledge of the fact, that the two vessels, King George and Queen Charlotte, have actually sailed on the expedition which was thought of by Mr. Ledyard, for furs, which I should suppose must interfere with, and very much lessen the profits of any simular[simular] undertaking by others.”
Mr. Jones wrote to Madrid, and was informed that the court of Spain would not allow any commercial speculation in the neighborhood of California, by the subjects of any other nation than her own. It is supposed that this fact mainly led to the abandonment of the scheme. There may have been, and probably were, other considerations. But we hear of the enterprise no more.
The reader will remember that there were three prizes sent by Landais to Norway, and that the Danish government restored them to the British ambassador upon the ground that the vessels had been captured by a people not recognized by them as an independent government. This was sustaining the British claim, that Jones was not a legitimate naval officer, but a mere pirate, whom they would be justified in hanging could they catch him. Every officer in the colonial army and navy, in the view of the British government, stood upon the same platform.
The prizes thus lost to us at Copenhagen were valued at two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. This was five-fold the amount recovered from the prizes sent into France. Upon the threatened surrender of these prizes, Dr. Franklin immediately sent a memorial to Count Bernstorf, the Danish prime minister. This admirable state paper contained the following very characteristic sentences. After recapitulating the circumstances of the case, he adds:
“Permit me, sir, to observe on this occasion, that the United States of America have no war but with the English. They have never done any injury to other nations, particularly none to the Danish nation. On the contrary, they are in some degree its benefactors, as they have opened a trade of which the English made a monopoly, and of which the Danes may now have their share; and by dividing the British empire have made it less dangerous to its neighbors. They conceived that every nation whom they had not offended was, by the rights of humanity, their friend. They confided in the hospitality of Denmark, and thought themselves and their property safe when under the roof of his Danish majesty.
“But they find themselves stripped of that property, and the same given up to their enemies, on the principle only that no acknowledgment had yet been formally made, by Denmark, of the independence of the United States; which is to say that there is no obligation of justice toward any nation, with whom a treaty, promising the same, has not been made. This was indeed the doctrine of ancient barbarians; a doctrine long since exploded, and which it would not be for the honor of the present age to revive. And it is hoped that Denmark will not, by supporting and persisting in this decision, obtained of his majesty apparently by surprise, be the first modern nation that shall attempt to revive it.
“The United States, oppressed by, and in war with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, may well be supposed incapable, in their present infant state, of exacting justice from other nations not disposed to grant it. But it is in human nature, that injuries as well as benefits, received in times of weakness and distress, national as well as personal, make deep and lasting impressions. And those ministers are wise who look into futurity, and quench the first sparks of misunderstanding between two nations, which neglected, may in time grow into a flame, all the consequences whereof no human prudence can foresee, which may produce much mischief to both, and cannot possibly produce any good to either.
“I beg, through your excellency, to submit these considerations to the wisdom and justice of his Danish majesty, whom I infinitely respect, and who, I hope, will consider and repeal the order above recited; and, if the prizes which I hereby reclaim, in behalf of the United States of America, are not actually gone to England, that they may be stopped and redelivered to M. de Chezaulx, the consul of France, at Bergen, in whose care they were before, with liberty to depart for America, when the season shall permit. But if they shall be already gone to England, I must then reclaim from his majesty’s equity the value of the said three prizes, which is estimated at fifty thousand pounds sterling, but which may be regulated by the best information that can, by any means, be obtained.”
The three prizes thus surrendered, were the Betsey, the Union, and the Charming Polly. Mr. Jones had been so successful in his negociations with France, that it was deemed expedient to send him to Copenhagen to seek redress from the Danish court. He obtained the works of Grotius, and all other eminent writers upon the Law of Nations, and, aided by Thomas Jefferson, made himself familiar with all the principles involved in the questions at issue. Thus thoroughly equipped, he entered upon this new and difficult enterprise. In every movement of importance, at this time, Paul Jones conferred with his highly valued friends, Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin, and acted with their concurrence. A little before this, the Danish government had so far recognized the injustice of its acts, and the validity of our claim, as to offer to pay an indemnity of forty thousand dollars. Dr. Franklin declined this offer upon the ground that the fair value of the prizes should be first ascertained. It was thought best that Commodore Jones should repair, at once, to Copenhagen.
He left Paris, with this purpose, in the spring of 1787. At Brussels he failed to receive an expected remittance from the sale of some bank stock he had ordered in America. Thus he found himself out of funds. This induced him to turn back, and take passage to the United States, to inquire into the condition of his pecuniary affairs. He speedily attended to his private concerns and prepared to return to Europe. Fully aware of the difficulty of his mission, he was anxious to fortify himself with all those moral forces which could add to his influence. He wrote to Honorable John Jay, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, soliciting from him such testimonials as would commend him to the Danish court. His letter was dated New York, July 18th, 1787. It was easy for his enemies to represent this as an act of mere vanity. Perhaps it was. But it was certainly an act of wisdom, thus to endeavor to secure the confidence and good-will of the court, to which he was commissioned for the performance of duties so arduous. In the conclusion of his letter to Mr. Jay, he wrote: