The Lost Fruits of Waterloo - John Spencer Bassett

In drawing the parallels between the formation of our union and the possible creation of a federation of nations, it is hard to avoid the inference that the two systems lead to the same end, federated general government. And yet they are not the same. Our union was created to take over a large area of government which the individual states could not conduct successfully. It has a direct bearing on the citizens of the states, it even has its own citizenship, although it was a long time after 1787 before it was defined. It has popular elections, a postal system, and hundreds of other things which no one would allot to the kind of federation discussed here. It has been cited only for the argument that can legitimately be derived from analogous conditions relating to the difficulties of forming the union.

A world federation, on the other hand, could have only one main purpose, the preservation of peace. No other bonds should knit it together except those which exist for that purpose. They would be strong enough for the strain that would be put upon them, and no stronger. They would be made for a specific object by persons who would be careful that they were properly made. A federation of this kind could not be adopted until it was approved by the authorities in the constituent nations, which would guarantee that it did not sacrifice the individuality of those nations. In fact, so great would be the obstacles at this point that it is safe to say that there would be more danger that the federation would be too weak rather than that it would be too strong.

* * * * *

Here ends this statement of the arguments for the only possible plan of coöperation that will, if adopted, give the world enduring peace. It would be easier to form a league to enforce peace by arbitration and moral suasion than to form a federation with power sufficient to enforce its decrees. But a league would in all probability be flouted by the states as often as their interests seemed to them to make it advisable. Reverting to the analogy of our own formative period in national government, a league would be like our articles of confederation, weak and insufficient because they did not authorize the central government to coërce a recalcitrant state. As a step toward a more desirable end the articles of federation were worth while: as a similar step a league of nations might be better than nothing, but it would not lead to the end to which the world is looking.

The idea of a federation of nations has been behind many a philosopher’s dream. Jesus looked forward to it when he offered the world “my peace,” and many another has held that somewhere in the shadowy future a millennial era of super-government and peace will fall upon the earth. It would be a great thing if at this day we could take a step toward the realization of an ideal whose universality attests its desirability. The “fruits of Waterloo” were lost a century ago by a wide margin, due to the less perfect comprehension the world then had of the advantages of federated peace. If they are lost at the end of this war it will be by a smaller discrepancy. Some time they will be secured, not because men have dreamed of them; but because, in such a case at least, dreams are but “suppressed desires.”

The writer of a book can do no more than raise his voice to the people who do things. To that large class who make things happen he can only give impulse and hope. His cry goes to those who govern, to those who direct the press, and to all citizens who feel responsibility for the formation of good public opinion. If he speaks to them faithfully and without prejudice or mere enthusiasm, he has done all he can do. The results are on the knees of the gods.

INDEX

Adams, John Quincy, and the Monroe Doctrine, [79].
Agadir, [171].
Aix-la-Chapelle, Conference of, [66].
Albania, in the Balkan war of 1912–1913, [89], [125], [126];
origin of, [106], [108], [121].
Alexander I, of Russia, [155];
his peace plans, [36], [45–63];
his personal qualities, [46];
his education, [46–48];
and the Treaty of Tilsit, [49];
eyes opened to Napoleon, [50];
his friendship for France, [51];
“grouped” by Castlereagh, [52];
signs treaty of Chaumont, [52];
enters Paris in 1814, [54];
at Congress of Vienna, [55];
and Poland, [56];
and the Holy Alliance, [59–64];
and Baroness Krüdener, [60];
and the Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle, [66];
at Conference at Troppau, [68–70];
his change of policy, [70];
and the Greek war of independence, [77];
and a federation of nations, [263].
Algeciras, Conference at, [168]
Alliance, the Treaty of, [65];
the Quadruple, [65], [66], [67];
the Quintuple, [66], [67], [68], [69], [79];
disruption of, [69].
See [Holy Alliance].
Alsace and Lorraine, [92].
American Peace Society, [37].
Armageddon, [1–5], [15].
Austria and the Greek war of independence, [77];
and the revolution of 1848, [86];
and Congress of Berlin, [89], [113], [114];
and Balkan War of 1912–1913, [89];
and the Triple Alliance, [93];
acquires rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, [115];
and the revolt in Crete, [119];
takes over Bosnia and Herzegovina, [120];
interest in the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [124–126], [128].
See [Metternich].
Austria-Hungary, see [Austria].
Autocracy, an obstacle to permanent peace, [216–224];
qualities of, [217];
in Germany, [219], [220–222];
in Russia, [219];
future bearing of German finances on, [242–246].
Balance of Power, [90];
under Bismarck’s policy, [93];
after Bismarck, [96];
affected by the Entente Cordiale, [99];
by the Triple Entente, [100], [101].
Balance of Power, failure of the theory, [157], [162];
breaks down in practice, [234–236].
Balkan States, history of, [103–131];
Turkish rule over, [104];
spirit of nationality in, [108];
growing power of, [119];
a “tinder-box,” [120];
the war against Turkey, [122–127];
The Balkan League, [122].
Balkan War of 1912–1913, [89].
Belgium, and the revolution of 1830, [79].
Bentham, Jeremy, on perpetual peace, [32–34];
and a federation of nations, [263].
Berlin, Congress of, [89].
Bethman-Hollweg, and the Moroccan question, [171].
Bismarck, builder of the German Empire, [91];
policy towards France, [92], [93];
and the Three Emperors’ League, [93];
and the Triple Alliance, [93–94];
his retirement, [95], [143];
his German policy, [140–143];
not for Pan-Germanism, [148];
his foreign policy, [157].
Boer war, Germany’s attitude in, [97], [99].
Bosnia, [108];
Austria acquires rights in, [115];
taken over by Austria, [120], [121].
Brailsford, H. N., his idea of a league of nations, [260].
Bryce, Lord, attitude toward federated peace, [15].
Bulgaria, origin of, [105], [106];
its position under Turkey, [108];
national feeling in, [109];
at the Conference of Paris, [110];
in the war of 1877, [113];
“Big Bulgaria,” [114];
acquires East Rumelia, [117];
growing power of, [119];
declares complete independence, [120];
in the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [122–127].
Bülow, Chancellor von, [171].
Canning, George, and the Spanish Colonies, [78];
and the Monroe Doctrine, [79];
welcomes end of the Alliance, [83].
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, [38].
Cartels, compared with trusts, [xiii-xvi].
Castlereagh, Lord, [154];
his relations with Alexander I, [51];
and treaty of Chaumont, [52];
goes to Paris, [55];
his idea of the Concert of Europe, [65];
and the Treaty of Alliance, [65–67];
at Troppau, [68], [69];
his relation to the Concert of Europe, [74];
his object, [81].
Chaumont, Treaty of, [52–53];
Castlereagh on the application of, [69].
“Christian Republic” of Henry IV, [24], [25].
Concentration, laws of, in society, [xii-xvi];
progress of, [247–251].
Concert of Europe, theory of, [49], [53], [65];
its character, [81];
its condition after the end of the Alliance, [84];
and the struggle of Mehemet Ali, [85];
and the Crimean War, [86];
and other mid-century wars, [88];
and Congress of Berlin, [89];
and the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [89], [124–127];
its new meaning, [90];
and the revolution of the Greeks, [107];
and the Crimean War, [110];
defied by Moldavia and Wallachia, [111];
and the Congress of Berlin, [114], [116];
and Crete, [118];
defied by Balkan League, [123];
incompetent to deal with the situation of 1913–1914, [130];
and the Moroccan incidents, [167–173];
failure of, in 1914, [180–182], [201], [234–236].
Conference of Paris, see [Paris].
Congo, French, given up, [172].
Congress of Berlin, [89], [113].
Congress of Vienna, disappointments of the, [55];
cause of its failure, [58].
Congress of London on Balkan situation, 1913, [124].
Contract theory of the origin of the state, [232–234].
Crete, revolt in, [118].
Crimean War, [86], [109].
Cuza, John, [111].
Cyprus, handed over to Great Britain, [116].
Debt, public, makes for federation, [238–242].
Delcassé, Théophile, his foreign policy, [98], [100], [101], [163–168];
and the Fashoda incident, [162];
building up French colonial power, [163–168];
dismissed at the demand of Germany, [167].
Democracy, not an absolute safeguard against recurring wars, [223].
Dual Alliance, [95], [96].
Dueling, how abolished, [232].
Dum-dum bullets, [3], [5].
Economic competition as an obstacle to peace, [206–211].
Economic laws not unchangeable, [210];
sometimes opposed to nationality, [216].
England, see [Great Britain].
“Entangling alliances” and a federation, [276].
Entente Cordiale, The, formed, [99], [162].
Fashoda Incident, the, [98], [162].
Federation, definition of, [23].
Federation of Nations, why it would now have better chance of success than in 1815–1818, [72–76];
discussion, [261–264];
why a federation is better than a league, [261–273];
analogy with the American constitution, [267–276];
differences pointed out, [277];
the idea held up, [278–280];
arguments for, [229–253].
Ferdinand, Crown Prince of Austria, [178], [180].
Fez, the French in, [171].
Finances, national debts make for federation, [238–242], [275].
France, attitude toward federated peace, [15];
Alexander I’s friendship for, [51–53];
and the Spanish colonies, [78];
the revolution of 1830, [79];
and the wars of Mehemet Ali, [85];
and the revolution of 1848, [86];
and the Crimean War, [86];
War against Prussia, [188];
in Franco-Prussian War, [91];
later relations with Germany, [91];
new attitude towards Great Britain, [97];
influence of Delcassé, [98];
and Entente Cordiale, [99];
and Triple Entente, [100];
and the revolution of the Greeks, [107];
extends rule over Tunis, [116];
in Franco-Prussian War, [141];
military training in, [147];
foreign policy under Delcassé, [163–168];
in Morocco, [164], [166–173];
gives up the Congo for Morocco, [172];
her position after war with Prussia, [201];
future relations with Great Britain, [250].
Francis Joseph, of Austria, [178].
Franco-Prussian War, [88];
and the Balance of Power, [90].
Franklin, Benjamin, his proposal for union, [266].
Frederick William III and the Holy Alliance, [62].
Freedom of the seas, [159].
Gentz, Frederick von, on the Congress of Vienna, [55–57], [58].
George, Lloyd, attitude toward federated peace, [15].
Gerard, James W., [xiii].
Germany, attitude of, toward federated peace, [13];
opposed plans of Hague Conference, [38];
and the revolutions of 1848, [86];
under Bismarck’s policy, [93–95];
under his successors, [95];
policy during the Boer War, [97];
growing antagonism toward Great Britain, [97];
later relations with Austria, [91];
and Three Emperors’ League, [93];
his influence for peace, [94], [95];
under his successors, [94];
attitude during the Boer War, [99];
gets nothing at the Congress of Berlin, [117];
and the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [125], [128];
ideals and organization of, [132–153];
her broken faith, [132–134];
and Mittel-Europa, [134];
a better Germany, [134], [136], [146–148];
development of pernicious ideals in, [136–138];
under the heel of Napoleon, [138];
re-making the army of Prussia, [139];
under Bismarck’s lead, [140–143];
Kultur of, [144];
and Militarism, [146–148];
the work of intellectual leaders, [148–152];
national egotism, [153];
peaceful attitude under Bismarck, [157];
under Wilhelm II, [158];
growth of manufactures, [158];
building a navy, [159];
growing military power of, [160];
Pan-German hopes, [161];
isolated by Delcassé during the Boer War, [162];
eyes turned to Turkey, [165];
in the Moroccan incidents, [166–173];
attempt to win over Great Britain, [174];
alarmed by growing power of rivals, [176];
her plans in beginning the Great War, [177];
short-sighted policy in war, [182], [183];
a mild treatment after her defeat, [194], [196–202];
economic reasons for engaging in war, [209];
autocracy in, [219], [220–222], [224];
parties in, [225];
influence of munition makers, [226];
influence of the military men, [227];
future influences on surrounding nations, [235–240];
future relations with Austria, [237–239];
influences of finances, [238–242];
autocracy threatened, [242–246];
in a possible league of peace, [258];
reasons for opposing, [259].
See also [Bismarck];
see [Prussia].
Grand Design, of Henry IV, [24], [25].
Great Britain, attitude toward federated peace, [15];
attitude towards peace in the Napoleonic wars, [45];
approached by Alexander I to establish a peace agreement, [48];
and the Spanish American colonies, [78];
and Turkey, [85];
and the Crimean War, [86];
and the Conference of Paris of 1856, [87];
policy during Bismarck’s era, [96];
new attitude towards Germany, [96];
new attitude towards France, [97];
forms the Entente Cordiale, [99];
and the revolution of the Greeks, [107];
in the Crimean War, [109];
at the conference of Paris, [110];
influence over Turkey, [112], [115–117];
at Congress of Berlin, [113], [115–117];
and Cyprus, [116];
and Suez Canal, [116];
in Persia, [128], [174];
imperiled by German success, [133], [134];
former isolation in Europe, [157];
and the German naval program, [159];
reënters Continental politics, [162];
position in Egypt recognized, [166];
supports France in third Moroccan incident, [172];
necessary for her to enter the war, [182];
probable course if Russia becomes aggressive, [202];
future relations with France, [250].
Greece and Balkan War of 1912–1913, [89].
Greece, beginnings of modern, [107];
the revolt against Turkey, [107];
acquires Thessaly, [117];
and Cretan revolution, [118];
growing power of, [120];
in the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [122–127].
Greek war of independence, [77].
Hague Conferences to promote peace, the, [37].
Hague tribunal and the Moroccan question, [169].
Hatred as an implement in war, [195–197].
Hegel, his relation to the peace plans, [35];
philosophy of war, [35], [220].
Henry IV, his Grand Design, [24].
Hertling, Chancellor von, on federated peace, [13].
Herzegovina, [108];
Austria acquires rights in, [115];
taken over by Austria, [120], [121].
Holy Alliance, [36];
history of, [59–64];
terms of, [61];
discussed, [62–64];
compared with the Treaty of Alliance, [66];
taken up by Metternich, [72].
Internationalism, [10–12].
Italy, attitude toward federated peace, [15];
wars for liberation, [88];
and the Triple Alliance, [93];
and her right to Tripoli, [164];
weakened relation with the Triple Alliance, [164], [174];
war in Tripoli, [174].
Japan—effect of her war with Russia, [99];
alliance with Great Britain, [100].
Junkers, character of, [141], [145].
See [Autocracy].
Kant, Immanuel, his plan for peace, [34];
error in his theory, [232–234];
and a federation of nations, [263].
Krüdener, Baroness, [60].
Kultur, discussion of, [144–146].
La Harpe, Fréderic César de, [46], [47], [48], [50].
League, definition of, [23].
League of peace, probable working of, [257–261].
See [Federation of Nations].
“League to Enforce Peace,” formed in 1915, [39].
Lincoln, President, his way of dealing with conquered people, [195].
Mars, his Day, [6], [20].
Maryland, hesitating to accept union, [271].
Mehemet Ali, [84–86].
Metternich, Prince, [154], and the Holy Alliance, [62];
and the Treaty of Alliance, [65];
on the situation in Naples, [67];
at Troppau, [68];
gets support of Alexander I, [70–72];
and the Greek war of independence, [77];
end of his power, [83];
his influence not existent today, [264–276].
Military Class in Germany, influence of, [227].
Mittel-Europa, [134], [141], [177],[185];
its strength, if established, [185];
how to prevent its formation, [186];
future of, [237].
Moldavia, [105], [110];
united with Wallachia, [111].
Monroe Doctrine, [79].
Montenegro, origin of, [106], [108];
opens the Balkan War, [123];
takes Scutari, [124], [126].
Morocco, French rights in, [164];
position of, [166];
German interference in, [167–173].
Munition makers, influence of, [226].
Naples, revolution in, [67], [73], [76].
Napoleon I, repressing his spirit, [18];
hatred felt for, [43];
and Russia in 1807, [49];
his severe treatment of Prussia, [138–140].
Napoleonic wars, and permanent peace, [17–21].
Nationality, an obstacle to permanent peace, [214].
Nicholas II, of Russia, [37].
Novi-Bazar, sanjak of, [122].
Obstacles to permanent peace, [205-228].
Pan-Germanism, [148], [161];
behind the Great War, [177–179].
Panther, the, at Agadir, [171].
Paris, conference of, [86–110];
Declaration of, [87].
Patriotism, false, an obstacle to peace, [211].
Peace Societies, development of, [37].
Penn, William, his plan for peace, [26], [32].
Persia, occupied by Great Britain and Russia, [128], [174].
Phillips, W. A., on the Quadruple Alliance, [67].
Pitt, William, reception of Alexander I’s suggestions, [47], [48], [65].
Poland, Alexander I’s support of, [56];
revolution in, [80].
Prussia, supported peace policy of tsar in 1815, [17];
war against Austria, [88], [91];
against France, [91];
creates the German Empire, [91].
See [Germany], [Holy Alliance], and [Frederick William III].
Quadruple Alliance. See [Alliance].
Quintuple Alliance. See [Alliance].
Revolutionary movement of 1830, [79–80].
Rousseau, his plan for peace, [31], [35].
Rumania, origin of [105], [106];
under Russian protection, [108];
national feeling in, [109];
Russian protectorate abolished, [110];
union of Moldavia and Wallachia, [111];
in the war of 1877, [113];
growing power of, [120];
enters the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [127].
Russia, recent progress of events in, [8–11];
friendly to peace under Alexander I, [17–19], [45];
and the Greek war of independence, [77];
and Turkey, [84];
in the Crimean War, [86], [109];
and war of 1877, [88];
and Bismarck, [93];
and Dual Alliance with France, [95];
effect of Russo-Japanese war, [99];
enters Triple Entente, [100];
and the revolution of the Greeks, [107];
nourishes Balkan hopes, [109];
at the Conference of Paris, [110];
war against Turkey in 1877, [112];
her hopes for a “Big Bulgaria,” [114];
unable to aid Serbia in 1908, [121];
and the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [126–128];
in Persia, [128], [174];
possible future aggression of, [202];
autocracy in, [219];
uncertain part in the future, [236].
See [Alexander I].
San Stefano, treaty of, [88], [113].
Scharnhorst, military reforms in Prussia, [140].
Serbia, in Balkan War of 1912–1913, [89];
origin of, [105], [106];
desire for Bosnia and Herzegovina, [108], [115];
national feeling in, [109];
becomes autonomous, [108];
in the war of 1877, [113];
growing power of, [120];
and Austria’s assumption of power in Bosnia and Herzegovina, [120–122];
in the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [122–127].
“Self-preservation, the law of,” [212].
Shuster, Morgan W., [175].
South, reconstruction of not a model for Germany, [194], [196–199].
Spain, revolution in, [67], [73], [76];
Alexander I and, [77];
revolution of its colonies, [77], [78].
St. Pierre, Abbé Castel de, [27–29], [263].
Stein, Baron von, [168].
Submarines, and the United States, [183];
if they succeed, [184];
if they fail, [185–204].
Suez Canal, [116].
Sully, Duke of, [24].
Tariffs and obstacles to perpetual peace, [207–209].
Three Emperors’ League, the, [93], [142], [157].
Tilsit, Treaty of, [49].
Treaty of Alliance, the, [65].
Treitschke, Heinrich von, his ability, [149];
his ideals, [150], [177];
his influence, [151];
his histories, [151].
Triple Alliance formed, [93], [142], [157];
its influence, [95], [157];
balanced by the Triple Entente, [101], [102];
weakened by Italy, [164], [174], [201].
Triple Entente formed, [100];
its influence, [162], [173], [174].
Tripoli, [164].
Troppau, conference at, [67], [68], [69], [71], [72], [74].
Trusts compared with cartels [xiii-xvi].
Turkey and the Greek war of independence, [77];
and Mehemet Ali, [84–86];
and the Crimean War, [86];
and war of 1877, [88];
rule over Balkan States, [104];
revolt of Greece against, [107];
and Crimean war, [109–111];
under British influence, [112];
war of 1877, [112];
and Crete, [118];
and the Balkan War of 1912–1913, [122–127];
position of in 1913, [128];
approaching friendship with Germany, [165];
and the war in Tripoli, [174].
Turks, conquer Constantinople, [104];
hold on the Balkans, [104].
See [Turkey].
“Turks, the Young,” [123].
Tunis, under French rule, [116], [164].
Union, the American, as a model for a federation of nations, [265].
United States, the, their part in the Great War, [189–193];
constitution of, the adoption of, [267–276];
an “experiment,” [267].
See [Union, the American].
Venezelos, Eleutherios, [118].
Vienna, threatened by Turks, [104].
Wallachia, [105], [110];
united with Moldavia, [111].
War, the Great, the real cause of, [154–156];
and Pan-Germanism, [177], [178], [179];
the beginning of, [177–179];
the changing character of, [188].
Wilhelm I, [142];
II, ideals of, [142];
his part in the war, [143];
his character, [158];
changed German policy under, [158–160];
lands in Tangiers, [167];
his sons uninjured in the war, [223].
Wilson, Woodrow, his attitude toward a federated peace, [v], [12];
address of January [22], 1917, [12];
peace views of, [192].

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