1645.
The Presbyterian advocates, as they insisted upon the excision of heresy and schism by the sword of the State, never attempted to do so on grounds of political expediency with the idea, that by hunting out heresy and schism they would be getting at serpents of treason hidden underneath. Very different were the grounds of their policy from some selected by the Anglican Church at the Restoration. Fidelity to Christ's crown—pure zeal for His covenant—were put forth, and sincerely felt in a number of cases, as the main, if not the sole, motive of the Presbyterian crusade against hated sects. Perhaps sometimes Independents and Presbyterians did not clearly understand one another. The former might, at times, seem to countenance the moral toleration of error and sin, and to be thinking more of liberty than of truth. On the other hand, the Presbyterian polemic might sometimes only intend to pour out his fiery wrath upon sympathy with falsehood and evil when he denounced toleration; but certainly this was not always the case, and it may be added that, generally, he prized truth much more than liberty. Neither side seemed to discern that the defence of freedom in religion must rest simply on the civil right of every man to pursue his own course, to declare his own opinions, and to act according to his own convictions, so long as he does not interfere with his neighbours who wish to do the same. We are prepared to judge favourably of the motives of the Presbyterians; but if their motives in some degree redeem their character, it must be admitted that men holding the opinions of toleration which many at least of that party did, though they may act under the influence of the best feelings, are very dangerous persons to be at the head of public affairs. If, under the idea that they have a mission from Heaven for the purpose, and with a desire to promote the glory of God, they set to work to gather the tares from amidst the wheat, woe be to the culture of the field altogether, and to the growth even of the good grain. He who perfectly understood this subject interdicted all such interference, no matter how pious the intent, and laid down a law which is utterly inconsistent with all intolerance—"Let both grow together to the harvest." After His decision on the subject, for any persons, however wise and good in other respects, to attempt the extermination of error and evil by the scythe of civil penalties, is sheer fanaticism, whether the endeavour be made by a Protestant ecclesiastical court or by a Roman Catholic inquisition.
Divine Right of Presbyterianism.
III. The doctrine of the Divine right of Presbyterianism was bound up with its scheme of discipline and its principle of intolerance. The majority of the Westminster Assembly would not rest content with the establishment of their Church by the simple decree of Parliament. They required it to be recognized by the State as of Divine authority. Not only did the Presbyterian say that he believed—which was consistent and proper—that his own system rested upon the teaching of the New Testament; but he demanded that the highest power in the realm should say the same, and enforce its peculiarities, as requirements clothed with a celestial sanction. This doctrine the Independents opposed, on the ground that they considered their own Church polity to be nearer the Word of God. The Erastians also opposed it, because they did not believe in the Divine foundation of any ecclesiastical rule at all. Both parties alike opposed it on the principle, that if the State chose to endow a Church, the State must be left to do so on its own terms. In this way it happened, as it often does in controversy, that parties proceeding from different and even opposite points, found themselves at length side by side, in honest and hearty alliance, so far as related to a resistance of common foe. But it should be borne in mind that it was not in the character of religionists that Independents and Erastians formed their combination, but in the character of patriots and politicians, who were agreed in resisting a body of men whose success in the advocacy of intolerance they judged would be as inimical to the temporal welfare as it would be destructive to the religious liberties of the nation.
1645.
There were debates on the jus Divinum in the Assembly, and sterner and more important debates on the same subject in the House of Commons. The five brethren argued from Scripture for Congregationalism against Presbyterianism; and Whitelocke and Selden employed their learning and logic to prove that the Bible did not decide the question one way or the other. At length a crisis came. The Presbyterians of the Assembly, in concert with their Scotch brethren, complained of the Erastian clauses in the Parliamentary ordinance for discipline, and asserted the Divine right of the scheme of government. The House of Commons declared that the Assembly had no right to complain of the decision of Parliament, since the Divines had been called together simply to give advice, and that with giving advice their functions came to an end. Members spoke of the penalties of a præmunire, and held up that which has been described as the "fatal spell before which spiritual pretensions sunk exorcised, mysterious as excommunication and no less terrible in its vagueness."[559] At the same time, they called on the Assembly to answer certain queries as to the nature and extent of the jure Divino claim. This was done simply with the view of putting off a serious collision with the Assembly. But whatever want of earnestness there might be on the side of Parliament in proposing the questions, no want of earnestness is seen on the side of the Assembly in answering them. Yet, when the replies were ready in July, 1646, the Assembly became afraid of a final rupture, and, under the terror of a præmunire, abstained from publishing what they had prepared. The Divines of Sion College, however, took up the controversy, and would have vigorously pursued it, had not Parliament cut short the matter by peremptorily insisting that the ordinances issued in March should be obeyed. After relieving their consciences by an explanation of their views, these reverend persons submitted[561] to the authority which they found it impossible to resist.
Westminster Assembly.
As we shall not have occasion again to notice the Westminster Assembly, it is convenient here to conclude its history. No Convocation ever sat so long. Gathered in the summer of 1643, it pursued its work till the autumn of 1647, when, the main business of the ecclesiastical commission being completed, the Scotch members took their leave. But from that time up to the winter of 1648-9, a few of the Divines continued to examine ministerial candidates; and afterwards a small committee met for the same purpose every Thursday morning, even as late as the spring of 1652. Upon the breaking-up of the Long Parliament by Oliver Cromwell, this appendage silently disappeared without any formal dissolution. Neither before nor since did any convocation of the Church in England go over so much ground, and accomplish so much work. In this respect it rivals the Council of Trent. The whole range of dogmatic divinity, together with ecclesiastical polemics, and devotional formularies, came under discussion. Notice has been taken of the partial revision of the Thirty-nine Articles, of the Directory for worship, and of the humble advice for the ordination of ministers, and the settling of Presbyterian government. It is almost needless to say that the Westminster Divines prepared a confession of faith. A committee, including Reynolds, afterwards Bishop of Norwich, drew up this document. They divided themselves into sections, each taking a specific topic. When a chapter had been fully prepared it was submitted to the Assembly, and then again subjected to minute examination, sentence by sentence, and word by word. There were long and tough debates on the doctrine of election. Neal says, "All the Divines were in the anti-Arminian scheme, yet some had a greater latitude than others. I find in my MS. the dissent of several members against some expressions relating to reprobation, to the imputation of the active as well as passive obedience of Christ, and to several passages in the chapters of liberty of conscience and Church discipline; but the confession, as far as it related to articles of faith, passed the Assembly and Parliament by a very great majority."[561]
1643-52.
The confession consists of thirty-three chapters—the first on the Holy Scriptures, the last on the final judgment. The doctrines of Calvinism are sharply defined in an order and in a form which many theologians of the present day, substantially Calvinistic, cannot adopt. Certain chapters, interspersed with the rest—the twentieth, on Christian liberty and liberty of conscience, the thirtieth, on Church censures, and the thirty-first, on synods and councils—plainly exhibit the intolerance of the times in connection with the principles of Presbyterian government. As everything which the Assembly did had to be submitted to Parliament for its sanction, this theological manifesto came under the consideration of that supreme court. The doctrinal portions were ratified by the two Houses, but the particulars as to discipline were "recommitted;" which, under the circumstances, though it did not amount to a formal, yet proved a virtual rejection.[562]