CHAPTER V.
The May-day of 1641 was as merry as usual, save where Puritan opinions interfered with its time-honoured festivities. The May-pole was brought into the City and reared at St. Andrew's Undershaft with the accustomed honours. The morris-dancers, with Robin Hood, Maid Marian, Friar Tuck, and the other appurtenances of the show, made sport for those citizens who were attached to the old order of things. And in spite of Stubbs' "Anatomie of Abuses," which exposed these sports as heathenish practices, such persons looked on them as the symbols of an anti-Puritan loyalty, and of an old-fashioned affection for Church and State. At the same period, preparations were being made at Whitehall for the nuptials of the Princess Mary and the Prince of Orange; and the next day, being Sunday, the bride was led into the Chapel by the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, "convoyed with a number of ladies of her own age of nine and ten years, all in cloth of silver," when the King gave away the bride, and "good Bishop Wren made the marriage."[168] The destinies of England were mysteriously connected with the consequences of this royal union, and little could the brilliant party before the altar, dream that from the wedded pair would spring a son, destined to cut off one branch of the Stuart dynasty for ever from the British throne; to complete the series of revolutionary events beginning to arise at the time of the marriage; and to establish for ages the civil and religious liberties of the English Constitution.
1641, May.
The month so inaugurated proved most eventful. During April the perils of the nation had been on the increase. Plots were contrived by the King's friends to bring up the army to London and force a dissolution of Parliament. Pym, on the 3rd of May, declared that "combinations at home" corresponded with "practices abroad," and that the French were drawing their forces towards the English shores; that divers persons of eminence about the Queen were deeply engaged in these plots; that it was necessary for the ports to be closed, and that it was time to ask His Majesty to forbid any one who attended Court to leave these shores without special permission. Sir John Wray, member for the county of Lincoln, made a speech immediately after Pym had spoken, in which he urged, that if ever it was meant to perfect and finish the great work begun, the right way must be followed, which was to become holy pilgrims, not Popish ones. This he explained as meaning that they were to be loyal Covenanters with God and the King; binding themselves by a national oath to preserve religion in this country, without mixture of superstition or idolatry, and to defend the Defender of the Faith, his person, crown, and dignity. Doing this, and making Jerusalem their chiefest joy, the nation would be blessed; but if the people let go their Christian hold, and lost their Parliament-proof and old English well-tempered mettle, let them take heed lest their buckler break, and their Parliaments melt away, and their golden candlestick be removed for ever.[169]
Debates in the House of Commons.
In consequence of these appeals, the Commons resolved upon a solemn Vow and Protestation, to defend, as far as lawful, "with life, power, and estate, the true reformed Protestant religion" of the Church of England, against all popery and popish innovations; to maintain the privilege of Parliament, and the liberties of the subject; and to endeavour to bring to condign punishment any person who should engage in conspiracy, or do anything contrary to this Protestation.[170] It was forthwith taken by every member, and then the document was sent up to the Lords. The peers present, except the Earl of Southampton and Lord Roberts, followed the example of the Commons. In two days the formulary had passed the lips of eighty temporal lords, seventeen bishops, nine judges, and four hundred and thirty-eight commoners. It was then printed and sent to the magistrates throughout the kingdom, with an order that it should be solemnly adopted on the following Sunday by heads of families and all persons of proper age.[171]
1641, May.
Of course, questions arose as to the meaning of the words, in many cases, no doubt, after they had been sealed by oath. Episcopalians took the declaration to mean defending the Protestant religion, as in the Church of England by law established. No such thing, said the Puritan majority of the Lower House; it includes not the hierarchy. It is against all popery and popish innovations, not for the discipline worship and ceremonies of the Church as they stand at present.[172] The Commons, having so explained their own measure, afterwards passed a Bill for its universal enforcement, which however was objected to by the Lords. A conference between the two Houses followed, conducted by Denzil Holles, who defended the imposition of the oath, as a shibboleth to distinguish Ephraimites from Gileadites. With his reasons, "after some debate, the Lords seemed satisfied."[173] The proceeding shewed the alarm of the representatives of the people, lest they should be checkmated by their opponents. It indicated a determination to abide by what had been done, and further to grapple with all Papistical tendencies; whilst the Protestation itself anticipated the more famous Covenant of an after year, much to the joy of Robert Baillie, who, writing from his house in St. Antholin's, on the 4th of May, informed a Scotch brother: "After much debate, at last, blessed be the name of the Lord, they all swore and subscribed the writ, which here you have, I hope in substance, our Scottish covenant."[174] The intolerance and injustice of the imposition could not be seen in those days as it is in ours. Intended to secure liberty for such as were counted its only friends, it in fact partook of that very injustice, which, when exercised on the other side, appeared intolerable.