One bishop escaped the enquiry of the Long Parliament by being called to appear before a higher tribunal. We refer to Richard Montague, a man of learning, well read in the Fathers, an ecclesiastical antiquary, but a thorough Anglo-Catholic. Adopting Arminian views, supporting the encroachments of ecclesiastical power, loving ceremonial worship, and hating Puritanism with a perfect hatred, this prelate was just the person to please Archbishop Laud and Charles I. He had written, as early as 1623, a book against Popery, entitled "A new gag for the old goose," in which he was considered by many Protestants to have betrayed the cause he pretended to serve. For publishing this book, containing sundry propositions tending to the disturbance of Church and State, the author had been cited before the bar of the Commons, and, on the same account—and for the contents of his "Appeal to Cæsar," and his "Treatise upon the Invocation of the Saints"—articles of impeachment had afterwards been presented against him. He was charged with fomenting the King's hatred of the Puritans, abusing them as "Saint-seeming," "Bible-bearing," and "Hypocritical;" representing their churches as "Conventicles," and their ministrations as mere "prating:" and also with sneering at Reformers as well as Puritans, affirming that the Church of Rome was the spouse of Christ. Yet, notwithstanding Montague's Popish tendencies and his unpopularity with all but very High Churchmen, Charles elevated him to the see of Chichester—the worst episcopal appointment he ever made, next to his promotion of Laud to the Archiepiscopate. The death of this bishop, in April, 1641, alone prevented Parliament from instituting very severe proceedings respecting his conduct.
Davenant, who presided over the diocese of Salisbury, died the same month. Totally unlike Montague, he had fallen into trouble for contempt of King James's injunctions relative to preaching on predestination. His humble and peaceable life, his strict observance of the Sabbath, his condemnation of clerical pomp and luxury, and his disapproval of certain court proceedings, had secured for him the sympathies of the Puritans, and excited the displeasure of the High Church party. His death corresponded with his life; for in his last illness "he thanked God for this Fatherly correction," because in all his life-time he never before had one heavy affliction; which made him often much suspect with himself whether he was a true child of God or no, until this his last sickness. "Then," says Fuller—whose words we have followed—"he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly drew the curtains about him."[208]
Bishops.
On the 4th of August, 1641, Serjeant Wylde carried up to the House of Peers a series of articles prepared by a Committee of the House of Commons, impeaching thirteen bishops of certain crimes and misdemeanours. The accused were allowed till the 10th of November to prepare their answer, when they put in a Demurrer; after which the prosecution was superseded by other events hereafter to be described.
1641, July.
Shortly before the impeachment of the thirteen prelates, a remarkable correspondence took place between certain Presbyterian clergymen of London and their brethren beyond the Tweed. It shows the high spirits of the former excited by recent events, their expectation of a speedy union with their neighbours in ecclesiastical polity, and the inspiration of fear from quarters opposite to those which had given them alarm a few months before. In a letter dated 12th July, 1641, the London ministers observe, that Almighty God having now of His infinite goodness raised their hopes of removing the yoke of Episcopacy, under which they had so long groaned, sundry other forms of Church government were projected to be set up in the room thereof; one of which was, that all power, whether of electing and ordaining ministers, or of admitting or excommunicating members, centred in every particular congregation, and was bounded by its extent. Independency in fact is meant by this passage, and the writers wished to know the judgment of their Scotch compeers on the point, as this would conduce by God's blessing to the settlement of the question. All the more earnestly was this entreated, because of a rumour that some famous and eminent brethren in the North were inclined to that form of government. In reply to this, an epistle arrived from the General Assembly, in which that reverend body assured their London brethren, that since the Reformation—especially since the union of the two kingdoms—the Scotch had deplored the evil of Great Britain having two kirks, and did fervently desire one confession and one directory for both countries. This they considered would be a foundation for durable peace, and the two Churches welded into one would be strong in God against dissensions amongst themselves, and also against the invasion of foreign enemies. The Assembly grieved to learn that any godly minister should be found not agreeing with other reformed kirks in point of government as well as doctrine and worship; and they feared that if the hedge of discipline were altered, what it contained would not long preserve its character. After laying down Presbyterian principles, the writers conclude by declaring themselves to be of one heart and of one soul; and to be no less persuaded that Presbyterianism is of God than that Episcopacy is of men.[209]
Other circumstances about the same period encouraged the Scotch. Their army was to be disbanded, and their troops were to be paid—a point respecting which the commissioners had been very solicitous—and a promising treaty between the two countries appeared on the eve of ratification. To the desire of the northern brethren respecting unity of religion, it was answered in the treaty, that his Majesty, with the advice of both Houses, approved of the desire of ecclesiastical conformity; and since Parliament had already taken it into their consideration, they would proceed in a manner conducive to the glory of God and the peace of the two kingdoms.[210] This passage is equivocal, for it might signify conformity to Episcopal or conformity to Presbyterian government. The King, no doubt, meant in his heart the former, but was quite willing at the same time that his subjects in the North should understand the latter.
Royal Visit to Scotland.
When affairs were coming into this posture, Charles determined to visit his native land. Into his political motives for so doing this is not the place to enter—whether he hoped thereby to procure an adjournment of Parliament; or thought that he should break up the combination between the northern and southern patriots; or expected to obtain evidence and assistance against the latter by conference and co-operation with the antiCovenanters under Montrose. But most certainly his intention in reference to religion, as appears from his conduct, was to conciliate his countrymen and to throw them off their guard by veiling his strong attachment to Episcopacy, under an assumed friendliness for Presbyterianism.
1641, August.