1642.
The Scotch, with the best intentions, but with even more unfitness—having taken up arms against Episcopacy, having been in the pay of Parliament, and having fostered a Presbyterian spirit in England—proffered their help. The Commissioners, who had just returned to London, and had taken umbrage at the treatment which they had received from the Royalist and High Church Lord Mayor—complaining that he had assigned to them lodgings in a plague-stricken house[286]—made their appearance at Windsor Castle, in the month of January, to tell his Majesty, that the liberties of England and Scotland must stand and fall together, and to ascribe the existing disorders of the country to the plots of Papists and prelates, who aimed at subverting the purity and truth of religion.[287] Yet, while thus manifestly taking the Parliament side in the controversy, the Scotch coolly offered their services to compose the difference between the King and his subjects. Nothing could come of this, nor of a renewal of the offer in May sent from the Council in Edinburgh to Charles, at York, through the hands of their Chancellor. Even the most impartial advice and the wisest diplomacy now must have been too late, for the dispute had gone beyond any healing power, since both parties laid their hands on the scabbards of their swords, and, in fact, the blade was already half drawn by each.
Manifestoes.
1642.
It is not our province to enter upon the question between King and Parliament, touching the militia. It is sufficient to observe that, when such a question arose, war could not be far off. Nor does it become us to notice the simply political aspects of those voluminous papers belonging to the Civil War which have been collected by Rushworth,[288] containing the manifestoes of the two belligerents, who—like all belligerents down to the Prussians and Austrians this very summer—writing what they know would be read by the whole world, sought to throw the whole blame of the quarrel on each other; and while both were buckling on their armour, neither liked to be seen striking the first blow. It must be confessed, that in these patiently prepared, and able, though tedious documents, the thrusts at the enemy are more effective than the counter-thrusts. Both King and Parliament wished to be thoroughly constitutional in the form of everything which they said and did; and on the side where justice lay it was far more easy for them to be so, when assailing their antagonists than when they were defending themselves. In other words, it was easy for the Parliament to prove that the King had violated the Constitution; but it was not so easy to prove that, when taking all power into their own hands—especially when taking up arms—they kept within the formal lines of the English Constitution. The legal fiction of arming in the King's name against the King's person; the separation of Charles Stuart and the Sovereign of England into two entities; the defence of the abstract rule by violence against the concrete ruler, are refinements, which, however sound they may be in political metaphysics, do not carry conviction to plain English understandings.[289] Besides, the reasonings of the great Parliamentary lawyers,—which were learned, profound, and subtle in the extreme,—require much more of erudition and perspicacity, that they may be followed and appreciated, than people commonly, either in that age or this, could be supposed to possess.[290] But putting legal technicalities aside; looking at the matter on broad grounds of justice; viewing the government of England at that period as already unconstitutionalized, by the King's aiming to rule without Parliaments; considering also that a regal revolution had in fact been going on for twenty years, the vindication of the popular party is triumphant. To save what was free in the Constitution, there was a necessity perforce for breaking down, at all hazards, whatever of arbitrary power had crept into the working of affairs. The King had been striving to destroy Parliamentary action, and nothing which he had conceded could remove the suspicion that he remained the same despot in spirit which he had ever been, and that now he only waited for a convenient season, when he might withdraw his concessions, lock up the doors at Westminster, and, with the key in his pocket, entrench himself at Whitehall, as absolute a tyrant as his brother of France. Parliament then was compelled, if it would save the liberties of the country, to work by itself for the repair of mischief already done. The State had reached a revolutionary crisis; and only by revolutionary means could it be brought back to a constitutional and normal condition. What Quin said to Warburton of the execution of Charles, may be more fitly applied to the taking up arms against him. When asked by what law he would justify the deed? The witty actor rejoined, "By all the laws he had left them." "It is the sum of the whole controversy," says Walpole, "couched in eight monosyllables."[291]
Manifestoes.
With the religious points of the declarations we have alone to do. On the 9th of April, the Lords and Commons declared that they intended a reformation of the Church; and that, for the better effecting thereof, they wished speedily to have consultation with godly and learned divines; and because this would never of itself attain all the end sought therein, they would use their utmost endeavours to establish learned and preaching ministers with a good and sufficient maintenance throughout the whole kingdom; wherein many dark corners were miserably destitute of the means of salvation, and many poor ministers wanted necessary provision.[292]
1642.
On the 3rd of June, the King stated that he was resolved to defend the true Protestant religion established in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to govern by law for the future; and that he had no intention to make war with his Parliament, except it were in the way of defence. In June the Parliament presented to the King certain propositions. Those relating to religion were:—That the laws against priests and Popish recusants be strictly put in execution, and a more effectual course be taken to disable them from making any disturbance; that the Popish lords in the House of Peers be deprived of their votes, and a Bill be drawn for the education of the children of Papists in the Protestant religion; that his Majesty do consent to such a Reformation of the Church as Parliament shall devise, and be pleased to give consent to the laws for removing innovations, pluralities, and scandalous ministers.[293] The King replied, that as to the Popish peers he was content that they should give their votes by proxy through Protestant lords; as to the education of Papists by Protestants, it was the very thing he wished: but, touching the Reformation to be made of the Church Government and Liturgy, he told them he hoped that what he had formerly declared had been sufficiently understood. He had said, in his answer to the petition presented at Hampton Court, that, for any illegal innovations which might have crept in, he should willingly concur in their removal, and that if Parliament should advise the calling a national synod he should take it into consideration: but he was persuaded that no Church upon the earth could be found with more purity of doctrine than the Church of England, that nowhere did government and discipline exist more free from superstition; and that he would with constancy maintain them in their purity and glory, not only against all invasions of Popery, but also from the irreverence of schismatics and separatists, for the suppression of whom he required their timely assistance.[294] Much of the royal reply had a specious look, and, if honestly meant, might have served as a ground for reconciliation; but to the Parliament, with their deep conviction of the King's insincerity founded on the experience of years, all his honied phraseology only seemed to cover hidden stings: and to persons bent on securing toleration for the sects—a daily increasing party—there was nothing in the King's words but what shewed the hopelessness of their cause if left to him.
Manifestoes.