The ecclesiastical weather had suddenly changed. The clouds were breaking. The sun began to shine. Conciliation had become the order of the day. Calamy was offered the Bishopric, and Bates the Deanery of Lichfield; Manton the Deanery of Rochester, and Bowles that of York. Other preferments were left vacant for awhile, professedly with the hope that they might be accepted by Presbyterians. The see of Carlisle was intended for Dr. Gilpin;[143] and a fortnight after the Declaration had been issued, Diplomas were conferred at Cambridge, by Royal mandate, on Bates, Jacomb, and Wilde.[144]
To reciprocate these friendly approaches, some Presbyterians, but not those who had met at Worcester House, prepared an address to His Majesty.[145]
They craved leave to profess, that though all things in the frame of government were not exactly to their minds, yet His Majesty's moderation had so great an influence upon them, that they had determined to use their utmost endeavour to heal the breaches, and to promote the peace and union of the Church. They begged of His Majesty, that reordination and the surplice in Colleges might not be imposed, and they hoped God would incline his heart to gratify their desires.[146] The Address was presented on the 16th of November by Samuel Clarke, of St. Bennett Fink. This fair weather was of short continuance. The sun was soon concealed again. The clouds returned after the rain. Suspicions respecting the sincerity of the Declaration increased; from the beginning, some had been dissatisfied with it. The treatment it finally received from the Commons, under the exercise of Court influence, shows the real character of the whole affair; we must therefore enter the House, and watch its proceedings.
WORCESTER HOUSE DECLARATION.
Nothing could exceed the gratitude expressed by the Speaker of the House of Commons, in the name of the members, for His Majesty's Declaration.[147] Yet, three days before he did so, it had been significantly proposed that the Book of Common Prayer should be used in the daily worship of the House, little objection being made to this proposal. The prevalent opinion appeared to be in favour of a form, and "the Speaker excused the minister from any more service, till the form was ordered."[148]
A Bill, founded upon the Declaration, followed upon the 28th of November. The arguments adduced in its favour were to the effect—that without a Bill the Declaration would be ineffective; that it was fitting to alter many things in the Liturgy; that the present business was of the highest concernment to the glory of God and the peace of the nation; that the ceremonies of the Church were not of such importance as to justify another war; that some indulgence ought to be granted to those who "ventured their lives for the good of all;" and that the passing of the measure would not vex the Bishops at all, because they were with the King at the framing of the Declaration. Prynne thought that it would be astonishing if, after thanking the King for issuing the document, the House rejected the Bill, which had been founded upon it. But many, who approved of the Declaration, spoke against the Bill. They said it was contrary to precedent to turn a Royal Edict into an Act of Parliament; that it was not the King's desire; and that it would dissatisfy the Roman Catholics. Secretary Morrice is reported to have spoken ambiguously, and to have concluded his speech by advising that the Bill should be laid aside: 183 voted against it, and 157 for it.[149]
1660.
The Declaration, it must be acknowledged, was so obviously a temporary expedient, and of so provisional a nature, that there seemed room to oppose a Bill like this, framed "for making the King's Majesty's Declaration touching ecclesiastical affairs effectual." Preparatory steps needed to be taken before a complete Church for the future could be established. Yet, if the leaders of the House had been sincerely bent upon a conciliatory policy, they might easily have contrived some measure for that purpose.
WORCESTER HOUSE DECLARATION.
1660.
The course pursued by the Commons may be explained. Out of doors a strong feeling was making itself heard in favour of such Episcopalianism as existed in the days of Elizabeth. At the moment of the King's return much talk of moderation had been heard from politic men in the Church. Even Sheldon then spoke of charity when preaching before the King in the month of June:[150] but now the tone of the principal clergy altered, and before the end of the year a specimen of the change occurs in a consecration sermon, in which it is declared that "the work of the Bishops was not so much to convert infidels as to confute heretics and schismatics."[151] In addition to the growing strength and boldness of the Episcopalians, there was another cause for the defeat of the Bill. Clarendon states that, in the summer, when the Grand Committee entered upon the settlement of the question of religion, "the King desired no more than that they should do nothing, being sure that in a little time he should himself do the work best;"[152] he wished to have the matter under his own control; and Secretary Nicholas, writing to Sir Henry Bennet, informed him that Parliament would meet with better hope of success because the King had "removed the main bone of division, by taking into his own hand the great point of Church Government."[153] It is plain that Charles felt an aversion to any Act of Parliament whatever upon the subject; it is also plain that the Commons were in some way induced to act accordingly. "When the Parliament," says the noble historian, "came together again after their adjournment they gave the King public thanks for his Declaration, and never proceeded further in the matter of religion; of which the King was very glad; only some of the leaders brought a Bill into the House 'for the making that Declaration a law,' which was suitable to their other acts of ingenuity, to keep the Church for ever under the same indulgence, and without any settlement; which, being quickly perceived, there was no further progress in it."[154] Who were the instruments commonly employed to influence the House, so as to bring it into unison with Royal designs, the same authority explains, when he says, that from the Restoration, he and Lord Southampton, by desire of the King, "had every day conference with some select persons of the House of Commons, and with these they consulted in what method to proceed in disposing the House, sometimes to propose, sometimes to consent, to what should be most necessary for the public, and by them to assign parts to other men whom they found disposed and willing to concur in what was to be desired."[155] There is then no room for believing otherwise than that the Chancellor, in agreement with the King, did what he could to influence members to vote against the Bill for turning the Royal Declaration into law. Consistently with this inference we find Secretary Morrice speaking against it; and Secretary Nicholas informing Sir Henry de Vic that the Bill for passing the King's late Declaration had "happily been thrown out."[156] The circumstance, at that juncture, of the elevation to the Bench of Matthew Hale, who had acted on the Committee for framing the Bill, tallies with other proceedings; and the whole shows that the policy of the Court was to get rid of the Bill, and with it the obligations incurred by the Declaration. For, it cannot be said, that the question before the House was a mere question of form, and that opposing the Bill did not necessarily imply opposition to the scheme which it embodied; since all the promises held out in the Declaration were set at nought by the subsequent proceedings of the King and his Minister.