Several of the ministers conferred or corresponded with each other. A few came to London to know the opinions of their brethren. Letters passed to and fro as fast as the post could carry them; and sheets full of arguments, questions, replies, and rejoinders, were conveyed from place to place. Stories respecting the treatment of Presbyterian Chaplains, the conduct of the Bishops at the Savoy, the debates in Convocation, and the speeches in Parliament, Sheldon's management, and Clarendon's policy, would be freely told, not always with perfect accuracy. Ministers conversed with Presbyterian Peers, and other patrons; and, it is said, that one of the former being asked by one of the latter whether he would conform, answered, "That such things were required and enjoined as he could not swallow," and he was "necessitated to march off, and sound a retreat;" whereupon His Lordship added, with a sigh, "I wish it had been otherwise; but they were resolved either to reproach you, or undo you."[364] With conference and correspondence there existed no organized confederation; each took his own ground, and pursued his own course. Many a village Vicar stood alone, and his conduct proceeded from individual conscientiousness. The ejected had nothing to strengthen and animate them, like the understanding which preceded the disruption in Scotland—nothing like the popular applause that welcomed it—nothing like the éclat of the public procession from the House of Assembly in the City of Edinburgh; no ovation soothed the cast-out. The feast of St. Bartholomew became a fast; as in the Valley of Megiddon, so in Puritan England, "The land mourned, every family apart."
EFFECTS OF THE ACT.
As August approached, reports of disaffection increased in gravity. In July, an idea was current that Cromwell's soldiers were waiting to learn what the Presbyterians would do, being themselves ready to rekindle the flames of revolution. From various parts of the country came news of refractory trained bands, of gunsmiths preparing arms, and of ministers talking treason. Rumour declared there was to be a general rising in a few weeks. At all events, within two years of the Restoration, the joy of seeing a crowned head once more, had given way. People began, not only to ask what advantage had accrued from the King's return, but they also began to institute comparisons between the Long Parliament and that which was now sitting. De Wiquefort, the Dutch Minister, in a despatch dated the 14th of May, informed his Government, that the chimney tax could not be levied without much trouble, and that Parliament, which had been the idol of the nation, was now sinking in popular respect.[365]
1662.
Several sources of discontent can be pointed out. The licentiousness and extravagance of the Court were passing all bounds; even such of the Cavaliers as combined with their hatred of Puritan precision, some regard for outward decency, were shocked at the stories of the mad revelries and shameless debauchery of Whitehall; many individuals had been beggared in the Royal service, and now they saw themselves totally neglected by the Prince in whose cause they had sacrificed their property and shed their blood. To replenish an empty exchequer, the Government effected the sale of Dunkirk—a town which had been won by the valour of Cromwell. It wounded the national honour, and roused popular indignation, to see the keys of that fortress put into the hands of Louis XIV. for a sum of money; and also to see Tangier, a useless possession, part of the dowry of Queen Catherine, carefully preserved at a large cost. To add to the trouble, Popery was said to be on the increase, especially through proceedings at Somerset House, where the Queen Mother Henrietta kept her Court, gathered round her the English Roman Catholics, and encouraged the intrigues of Jesuits and priests.
Charles and his Council did not learn the whole truth, they only caught glimpses of some wild phantasmagoria, with the great Gorgon-head of insurrection in the midst of all; and, therefore, instead of striving to see what could be done to re-establish confidence, he and his Ministers set to work to demolish fortifications at Northampton, at Gloucester, and at other places, and to issue instructions to Lieutenants of Counties to take precautions against rebellion.[366]
EFFECTS OF THE ACT.
1662.
Numbers of political papers and tracts appeared expressing uneasiness. Much authority cannot be attached to such a random writer as Roger L'Estrange; but when he states that not so few as 200,000 copies of seditious works had been printed "since the blessed return of his sacred Majesty," and that to these were to be added new editions of old ones to the amount of millions more,[367] we are justified in believing that the printers were kept very busy by people of the kind so much detested by this pamphleteer, nor do I doubt that, as he says, the publications "were contrived and penned with accurate care and cunning to catch all humours." On the other side, the Church and State party did not sit with folded hands—Roger's own fiery pen being unceasingly employed in the laudation of King, Church, and Bishops, and in vilifying Roundheads, Republicans, and all Sectaries. Some authors mingled in the mêlée after a very equivocal fashion, drawing "a parallel betwixt the ancient and the modern fanatics," so as to place in company with Anabaptists, Quakers, and Independents, not only the Lollards, but even Hugh Latimer—thus striking a blow at Nonconformity through the side of the Reformation.[368] Much more effective than abuse and satire, were papers, printed ready for Bartholomew's Day, giving "a brief martyrology and catalogue of the learned, grave, religious, and painful ministers of the City of London, who were deprived, imprisoned, and plundered, during the Commonwealth." The persecution of the Episcopalians afforded a strong point against the Nonconformists, especially before it could be met by a long list of ejected Nonconformists. Names of Episcopalians said to have been reviled, and forced to resign, and "compelled to fly"—"violated, assaulted, abused in the streets," and imprisoned in "the Compter, Ely House, Newgate, and the ships"—furnished so many arguments for severe measures against those who were charged with these indefensible persecutions.