CHAPTER VII.

1685.

James II. met his Privy Councillors within an hour after his brother’s death, on the 6th of February; and, upon taking his seat at the head of the Council-table, he delivered an extempore speech, which was afterwards written down from memory by Finch, the Solicitor-General. According to his report, the King declared “I shall make it my endeavour to preserve this Government both in Church and State, as it is now by law established. I know the principles of the Church of England are for monarchy, and the members of it have showed themselves good and loyal subjects; therefore I shall always take care to defend and support it.”[134] In explanation of this promise, coupled with so dubious a compliment to the English Church, James afterwards, in his own Memoirs, states that Finch worded “the speech as strong as he could,” and, in the hurry, it was allowed to pass “without reflection;” that he might have more clearly expressed himself had he used the words “he never would endeavour to alter the established religion,” instead of the words “he would endeavour to preserve it;” and that he said he would support and defend the professors of it, not the religion itself. He further remarks, that no one could expect he would “make a conscience of supporting what, in his conscience, he thought erroneous;”—that all he meant, or could be expected, or was understood to say, was, simply that he would not molest the members of the Protestant Church.[135] Read in the light of such sophistry, the speech,—certainly at the time taken to mean one thing, though the concealed intention of the King was to do quite another,—shows that James must have possessed even a larger share than his elder brother, of the inherent duplicity of the Stuart race. Yet, unlike his brother, he evinced unmistakeable frankness in the profession of religion; for on leaving the Council he immediately proceeded with the Queen to the little Roman Catholic Chapel in St. James’, leaving the door open during Divine service, that any one might see him at worship there.[136] On Holy Thursday, accompanied by his guards and gentlemen pensioners, he received the sacrament; and on Easter Sunday he publicly appeared at mass—the Knights of the Garter, in their collars, attending him, both as he went, and as he returned. The Duke of Norfolk, who carried the Sword of State, however, stopped at the chapel door, upon which His Majesty immediately observed to him, “My Lord, your father would have gone further.” His Grace promptly replied, “Your Majesty’s father would not have gone so far.” James not only commanded an account to be published of Charles’ conforming in his last moments to the Church of Rome, but he himself published two papers professedly written by his brother, in favour of its doctrines. These he showed to Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, who said, “That he did not think the late King had been so learned in controversy, but that the arguments in the papers were easy to refute.” James desired him to confute them if he could. Sancroft satisfied himself with politely answering, “It ill became him to enter into a controversy with his Sovereign.”[137]

JAMES II.

Plenty of gossip was circulated by lip and pen respecting the conduct of His Majesty and his sympathizing friends at this important juncture;—of which gossip a specimen is furnished in a letter, dated February 24, 1685, which, after being taken out of the post-bag, instead of reaching the person addressed, found its destination among the Secretary of State’s papers—to be transferred in the nineteenth century to the Record Office:—

“It can be no news to acquaint you of His Majesty declaring himself a Papist and going daily to public mass. Neither can I choose but commend the prudence and honesty of several great and worthy lords, who have already assured His Majesty, that they have been a long time past Papists in their hearts, and prayed His Majesty’s leave to declare themselves Papists, that they might be in a capacity to serve His Majesty at the holy altar. But His Majesty, it seems, very prudently commanded them to contain themselves till after the sitting of Parliament, and commended their holy zeal, and gave them many thanks, with great assurances of his favour, &c. We are also very well assured, from very good hands, that they are already under great apprehensions, in that God Almighty appears so early against them; since one of the first magnitude, Beauford [the Duke of Beaufort], has very lately, with great consternation of soul, declared themselves all undone by His Majesty’s too forward, and ungovernable zeal, in so soon and so openly declaring himself: for, said he, had His Majesty been pleased but to have dissembled himself till a Parliament had been called, we had been sure to have got through, whereas now I tremble to think of the dreadful blow an heretical Parliament may give us.”

1685.

In accordance with his unequivocal profession of Romanism, James complained to the Protestant Bishops of the declamations against Popery in the pulpits of the Church; and at his coronation, on the 23rd of April,[138] he declined to receive the sacrament, or to take any part in the responses, although his Catholic Queen did so devoutly. The King’s Romanism being demonstrated from the beginning of his reign, there appears exquisite naïveté or satirical shrewdness, in the address presented by the Quakers to him on his accession: “We are told that thou are not of the persuasion of the Church of England, no more than we; therefore we hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty which thou allowest thyself; which doing, we wish thee all manner of happiness.”

JAMES II.

The Ministry of the late King were not dismissed by his successor, but alterations were made in the allotment of offices. Rochester was appointed Lord Treasurer and Prime Minister. Halifax had to give up the Privy Seal, and become President of the Council. Ormond was removed from Dublin, where he had been Viceroy, to Whitehall, where he was to act as Lord Steward; and Godolphin exchanged his post at the Treasury for Chamberlainship to the Queen. Sunderland continued Secretary of State; and Guilford retained the Great Seal; but Jeffreys—Lord Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, and now made a Peer of Parliament,—with a seat in the Cabinet, superseded, in political power, the Lord Keeper. The men who chiefly influenced the councils of the Sovereign, were Rochester, Sunderland, and Godolphin, and, in some respects, the infamous Jeffreys.