The union between Church and State, which runs back through English history to its earliest days, rendered this intermingling of interests an unavoidable necessity. Great movements in the Church affected the Government; great changes in the Government affected the Church. Whilst this union is obviously a cause of additional complexity, no thoughtful person can fail to discover in even the simplest principles of polity and doctrine, forces which are sure to touch society in its temporal interests, and render inevitable political developments of religion and religious developments of politics. If the Church were separated from the State to-morrow, a connexion between religion and politics would remain.
The two great political Revolutions of England in the 17th century sprung from religious feeling, from religious antipathies, from religious aspirations. Fiery impulses, kindled by faith, did more to scorch and destroy civil despotism than any constitutional traditions, any maxims of secular policy. Religion was the prime mover in the events of 1688. Not only did ministers of religion take part in it, but religion itself entered deeply into the political question. When moving in one direction the Popery of James prompted him to play the despot, and when moving in another direction the Protestantism of his subjects impelled them to fight for their liberties—the two forces came in contact, and issued in a crash, bringing about the King’s downfall and the Prince’s elevation. The same influences led to a settlement of the long-debated question of prerogative—they consolidated the power of Parliament, they created the Bill of Rights; without such religious enthusiasm as then existed, it may be doubted whether such a Revolution would have been possible; and as it sprung from religious causes, so the Revolution produced religious results. It checked the progress of Popery, it inaugurated a new form of Protestant ascendency, which has lasted down to our own time; it altered the position of the Church Establishment; it materially modified the Act of Uniformity; and it legally secured toleration. These subjects will claim attention as we proceed, and a fuller estimate of the character of the Revolution had better be deferred for the present.
CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION.
The Peers met in their own House on the 22nd of December. Nothing of moment passed. The day before Christmas-day they met again, and we find Clarendon, with a lingering regard for the Stuart family, asking for an inquiry into the birth of the Prince of Wales, when Lord Wharton, an old Puritan, indignantly replied, “My Lords, I did not expect, at this time of day, to hear anybody mention that child, who was called the Prince of Wales; indeed I did not, and I hope we shall hear no more of him.” It was at last decided that an address should be presented to the Prince of Orange to take on him the Administration of affairs, and to issue circular-letters to the counties, cities, universities, and cinque-ports, to send Representatives to a Convention at Westminster on the 22nd of January following.[79]
The Archbishop did not attend. Clarendon and the Bishop of Ely sent for him, “but the King’s being gone had cast such a damp upon him that he would not come.”[80] James, soon after his flight, had written to the Primate, informing him that, but for his hasty departure, he should have explained the reasons of his becoming a Roman Catholic; that although he had not thought proper to do this on a former occasion, when his re-conversion had been attempted, yet he never refused speaking freely with Protestants, especially with His Grace, “whom he always considered to be his friend, and for whom he had a great esteem.” His own “conversion had taken place in his riper years, and on the full conviction of his mind as to the controverted points.”[81] Sancroft, with all his weakness, narrowness, and obstinacy, had a kindness of heart, which, in spite of the treatment received from the fallen Monarch, inspired compassion for him in a season of deep adversity.
1689.
Clarendon busied himself in interviews with the Prelates, and we find that on the 29th of December, he and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Ely were together reading over the King’s reasons for leaving Rochester. Different opinions of his conduct appear, together with Clarendon’s predilections in favour of his old master, in the following passage of his Diary—a Diary which sheds much light on that changeful time:—“The Bishop of Ely and I were moved, but the Bishop of St. Asaph took the paper, and began to comment upon it, saying it was a Jesuitical masterpiece. I think I never heard more malicious inferences than he drew from the King’s expression in that paper. Good God! where is loyalty and Christian charity.”[82] On New Year’s-day, 1689, amidst a hard frost, Clarendon’s lingering loyalty to James did not prevent his paying court to William; and afterwards visiting Sir Edward Seymour, he heard him say, amongst other things, the countenance shown by the Prince to Dissenters “gave too much cause of jealousy to the Church of England,” and if that Church were not supported, England would “run into a Commonwealth, and all would be ruined.”[83]
Another interesting peep into ecclesiastical secrets is afforded by Clarendon, whose report, for the sake of accuracy, had better be preserved in his own words:—
CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION.
“I went to dinner at Lambeth: Dr. Tenison with me. We went over the bridge, by reason the river was so full of ice, that boats could not pass. After dinner I spoke to the Archbishop (as I had done several times before) of going to the Prince of Orange, or sending some message to him by some of the Bishops: for he had yet taken no notice at all of him: but he was positive not to do it, for the reasons he formerly gave me. We then spoke to him of the approaching Convention, and whether he would not think of preparing something against that time in behalf of the Dissenters. Dr. Tenison added, it would be expected something should be offered in pursuance of the petition which the seven Bishops had given to the King: for which they had been put into the Tower. The Archbishop said, he knew well what was in their petition; and he believed every Bishop in England intended to make it good, when there was an opportunity of debating those matters in Convocation; but till then, or without a commission from the King, it was highly penal to enter upon Church matters; but, however, he would have it in his mind, and would be willing to discourse any of the Bishops or other Clergy thereupon, if they came to him; though he believed the Dissenters would never agree among themselves with what concessions they would be satisfied. To which Dr. Tenison replied, he believed so too; that he had not discoursed with any of them upon this subject; and the way to do good was, not to discourse with them, but for the Bishops to endeavour to get such concessions settled in Parliament, the granting whereof (whether accepted or not by the Dissenters) should be good for the Church. The Archbishop answered, that when there was a Convocation, those matters would be considered of; and in the meantime, he knew not what to say, but that he would think of what had been offered by us.”[84]