The presence of the Primate at the Convention about to be held was of the first importance, and Clarendon earnestly urged his attendance; but the obstinacy of the one equalled the importunity of the other. Sancroft would not go, nor would he visit His Highness. “Would you have me kill myself?” he petulantly asked his noble friend; “do you not see what a cold I have?” “No,” said the Earl; “but it would do well if you would excuse your not waiting on the Prince, by letting him know what a cold you have, and that you will wait on him when it is gone.” All the reply he could get was, “I will consider of it.”[90]
Whatever might be the opinions of the Lambeth party, the Bishop of London shared neither in their counsels nor in their sympathy. He wished to see the Princess Mary Queen Regent, leaving her at liberty, if she liked, to bestow upon her husband, by consent of Parliament, the title of King. Nor did the prevalent desire of the councillors of the Archbishop, for a Regent who should rule in the King’s name, satisfy all James’ Anglican adherents. Sherlock, Master of the Temple, had at his back a large number of Divines, and he contended for inviting James back to Whitehall, with such stipulations as would secure the safety and peace of the realm—an utterly Utopian idea. Burnet, on the other hand, talked of William’s having acquired a right to the Crown based on conquest—a notion scouted by most Englishmen. Nine-tenths of the Clergy were for upholding the cause of hereditary monarchy; but this large majority broke up into several sections, nor did the remaining tenth part entirely agree.
CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION.
Neither were Nonconformists of one mind. Some were so engrossed in the discharge of spiritual duties that they paid surprisingly little attention to the questions of the day. The biographer of Oliver Heywood informs us that little remains in his papers to show what he thought of the Revolution, politically regarded. His mind rested on one point—the liberty of preaching, and it seemed indifferent to him whether it came by a Royal Declaration or by an Act of Parliament.[91] Matthew Henry states that it was not without fear and trembling his father Philip received the tidings of the Prince’s landing, “as being somewhat in the dark concerning the clearness of his call, and dreading what might be the consequence of it,”—that he used to say, “Give peace in our time, O Lord,” was a prayer to which he could add his Amen; but he stopped there. However, when the Revolution was accomplished, he rejoiced in the consequences, and joined in the national thanksgiving.[92]
Another class of Nonconformists were in an awkward position. Their fault had been that they identified themselves with men and measures out of all harmony with their own principles. William Penn, Vincent Alsop, Stephen Lobb, and others had signed obsequious addresses to James. They had blindly credited him with a love for religious liberty, and had really, though not intentionally, upheld his despotism. But in this emergency they presented no word of condolence to the man whom they had helped to befool, nor did they attempt anything to save him from his impending fate. A double inconsistency marked their conduct: first, they contradicted their profession of liberal principles; next, they contradicted their profession of personal regard. They were galled by the reproach of enemies, also they must have felt reproaches of conscience.
1689.
Another class of Nonconformists had, without any compromise, availed themselves of the liberty offered them, though disliking the unconstitutional quarter whence it came. When the Revolution took place, most of these, and others who survived to witness it, were delighted and thankful. What John Howe did appears from what I have said already, and shall have to say hereafter. Baxter had become too old and infirm to take any active part in public business. Fairclough, Stancliffe, and Mayo, as we have seen, joined Howe in the clerical address to William on the 21st of December; others presented congratulations afterwards.
If Protestant Nonconformists formed a twentieth part of the population, the community to that extent may be reckoned as rejoicing in the downfall of James; probably by far the larger part supported the claims of William; yet a few old Republicans—Independent and Baptist—would, I apprehend, have preferred to see a Commonwealth, with the Prince of Orange in a presidential chair, such as the Lord Protector Cromwell had occupied.
It is no part of my task to describe minutely the method by which the new settlement was effected: an outline is sufficient. A meeting had been summoned by His Highness for the 26th of December, 1688, to consist, first, of all such persons as had been Knights or Burgesses in any of the Parliaments of Charles II.; and next, of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, with fifty of the Common Council chosen by the whole body. This mode of proceeding appears remarkably conservative, and so far was in harmony with all the great changes wrought in the political government of this country.
CHARACTER OF THE REVOLUTION.