1688.
William must for some time have been expecting overtures. They would not find a man of so much forecast unprepared; yet not a little remained to be done that the proposed descent might prove a success. The remainder of summer and the early part of autumn were spent in secret military preparations at home, in secret diplomatical negotiations abroad. He even decoyed the Pope into his toils, by baits which did more credit to his statesmanship than to his honesty. He persuaded His Holiness to advance money for an attack, as he thought, upon France, in reality upon England. Rome, ever trying to over-reach others, was herself over-reached; and help, supposed to be rendered for the humiliation of a power then inimical to the Papal Court, came to be applied to the overthrow of a Popish Sovereign and the strengthening of the cause of European Protestantism.[12]
PREPARATIONS FOR REVOLUTION.
When the military movements in Holland became generally known, they were given out to be intended for a campaign against France, in which the Prince was to receive support from the Imperial army on the Rhine; yet, whatever dust might be thrown in men’s eyes, the real truth appeared to many. Even as early as the 7th of August, news of the Prince’s intention to come over with an army reached the quiet cloisters of Westminster Abbey; and Dr. Patrick, at four o’clock in the afternoon, received at his prebendal residence tidings of the important secret through his friend, Dr. Tenison, who came “to have some private conversation.”[13] But almost up to the last hour James remained in the dark, partly through his own obtuseness, partly—and much more—through the selfish designs of France, through the treachery of courtiers, and through denials made by the Dutch Ambassador. No doubt a clear-headed man, with a sharp eye, would have caught signs of the true direction of the brewing storm; but a man like James, narrow-minded and prejudiced, might easily be duped by diplomatic arts and courtierly deceit. He persuaded himself into the belief that the rumours of a Dutch invasion of England were raised by the Court of France to promote his political interests and to bring him into closer alliance with Louis[14]—a policy at that moment appearing to him most perilous, because it would be sure to increase his unpopularity with his subjects.
His conduct after the acquittal of the Bishops proves that he had not learnt wisdom from that significant event. His treatment of the lawyers, in the face of public opinion, seems incredible. He honoured with a baronetcy Williams, the Solicitor-General, who led the prosecution, and Holloway and Powell, who gave it as their opinion that the Bishops’ petition did not amount to a libel, he punished by dismissal from the Bench.
1688.
To the Judges who went their circuits in the summer, Royal instructions were communicated to the effect, that they should persuade the people to assist in supporting the unpopular Declaration for liberty of conscience, telling them that a Parliament would speedily be called to make the Sovereign’s favour statute law. Churchmen were to be assured of the fulfilment of His Majesty’s promises; and persons of all classes were to be reminded what a gracious Prince they had upon the throne. Liberty of conscience, they were to be informed, had advanced the trade, and would prove the means of increasing the population of the country. The tone was fair—the phraseology specious; but the friends of freedom were not to be hoodwinked after this fashion.
PREPARATIONS FOR REVOLUTION.
Justice Allybone, a reputed Papist, sought, at the Croydon Assizes, to give effect to these instructions, by the charge which he then delivered to the Grand Jury. After dealing in a few commonplaces as to the desirableness of living in love, and the blessings of religious liberty, and after maintaining that the King wished every one to be as free in his conscience as in his thoughts, immediately applied what he had advanced to the Sacramental Test. “Why,” he asked, “because I cannot take the Test, must I be hindered of an employment in the world? This, gentlemen, pincheth sore with them in liberal education. It is said, ‘Upon this Rock will I build my Church.’ Was this meant of the Church of England?—it was but of yesterday’s standing. So, gentlemen, ’tis but a flourish. Gentlemen, the end of the Test is not religion, but preferment; if any one therefore should be hindered upon just pretences for religion, then religion is not at the bottom of it. This, gentlemen, is a matter of great importance. It is in the Catechism that Christ is really in the Lord’s Supper; nor hath it been objected against the Church of Rome, by the Church of England, that He was not really, but by way of presentation, and that is a great reproach. Christ Himself told us He was there; now, be you not more strict than Christ Himself. I am not arguing what my sense is, but I am only showing, that as the Church of England would impose, that Christ was by way of presentation, is it not equally difficult that we shall believe thus and thus? Is not the like liberty to be had and taken of one side, as well as the other? Gentlemen, I only argue this for the incoherence of the thing.” The meaning which the Croydon Grand Jury might gather from this wretched rabble of words would be, that the Judge put in a plea for the toleration of Catholics—a plea which, however just, wore at that crisis a suspicious aspect, and could find no favour with the Surrey squires. Allybone finished by remarking that he would not have the world mistaken about the Bishops’ trial—it was not for religion they were tried, “they were tried for acting against the Government, for publishing a libel which tended to sedition. The King,” he said, “commands them with the advice of his Council for to publish his Declaration; they would not do it. If the King had been Turk or Jew, it had been all one—for the subject ought to obey.”[15] The infatuation of the Judge equalled the infatuation of the King.
1688.