There might be arguments for abolishing Convocation, or modifying its powers—at any rate for defining them; but, whilst no such arguments were urged, it was impossible to silence gainsayers, who contended that practice ought to be accordant with theory. If Convocations be like Parliaments, things in themselves good and wise, differences of opinion no more furnish reasons against Convocations than against Parliaments. If what Clarendon says be true, “that of all mankind, none form so bad an estimate of human affairs as Churchmen,”[331] that may be an argument for extinguishing Convocational rights, not for continuing to them a nominal instead of a real existence.
1700.
Nor was there conclusiveness of historical argument, or any consistency of demand, on the other side. High-Church advocates were then, as always, puzzled how to forge links of union between English Convocations and the early Synods of the Church, especially the assembly at Jerusalem. What resemblance exists between them, except of the most general description?—a resemblance such as pertains to all ecclesiastical meetings whatsoever. The essential conditions of a Convocation of Canterbury are that it must meet by authority from the Crown; that it consist of two Houses, one composed of Bishops, and the other of Presbyters, both purely clerical; that the members of the Lower House must be dignitaries, together with Proctors, elected by the Clergy, and that nothing which they do has binding force without the consent of the Sovereign. What is there in these distinctive features of an English Convocation to connect it with Synods before the era of State Establishments? What precedent for any of the essential parts of the structure can be found in the history of the meeting at Jerusalem? The Apostles and Elders met altogether, and joined in a deliverance upon the question at issue. No other representatives or delegates appeared except those who came from Antioch. The resemblance between the meeting at Jerusalem and meetings in Saxon and Norman times is a pure imagination, beyond such resemblance as belongs to religious conferences in general. Nor can any specific likeness be traced between mixed Anglo-Saxon Councils and purely clerical Convocations. An Anglo-Saxon provincial Synod was in many points very unlike Convocation;[332] and between A.D. 816, when the Synod of Challok occurred, in which Abbots, Presbyters, and Deacons met, and A.D. 1065, I do not find that more than one provincial Synod was held; a national Synod met under Dunstan, A.D. 969. Provincial Synods, previously occasional and rare, did not become regular and frequent until the reign of Edward I.
CONVOCATION.
Convocation, with full power to deliberate, to propose and enact canons, to alter existing formularies, to pronounce authoritatively upon points of doctrine, and to originate schemes of ecclesiastical action, co-ordinate with the functions of Parliament, would have been a reality; but, in the view of many, such power would be inconsistent with the secular relations of the Church, as dependent on the State for much of its pecuniary support, for more of its social prestige, and for all of its political pre-eminence. Convocation, as it was permitted to exist under William III., was really a mere form, and that a very troublesome one. Nor did Atterbury, or any who sided with him, endeavour to bring it into accordance with their theory. The theory was one of ecclesiastical independence; but when they saw some of the difficulties of their position, they only endeavoured to loosen a little the chain which bound up the liberty of Convocational action.[333]
1701.
The new Ministry, formed in 1700, stipulated that Convocation should be restored to its sessional rights and privileges.[334] This point being conceded, those of the Clergy whom it particularly gratified, burst into a state of clamorous excitement, broaching new or reviving old theories. Atterbury, as earnest in action as he was eloquent in speech, regarded it as eminently a critical juncture, and felt a strong desire that those members who thought with him should come to town a fortnight beforehand for consultation. He wished them, he said, to take proper methods for preventing or breaking through the snares of enemies.[335] He urged upon his friends, Trelawny, Sprat, and Compton, the execution of the præmunientes clause in the Parliamentary writ, as well as the execution of the Archbishop’s provincial mandate.[336] In this measure the Bishops just named concurred, and used their writs accordingly; so did Hough, Bishop of Lichfield, and Mew, Bishop of Winchester.[337]
CONVOCATION.
Tenison, in his archiepiscopal barge, started from Lambeth Palace on Monday morning. February the 10th, and landed at St. Paul’s Wharf, whence he was escorted by a number of Advocates and Proctors to the west end of the new Cathedral; the Portland stone being then unblackened by London smoke, and the structure, as well as its ornaments, being still in a state of incompleteness. Received by the Dean and Canons, his Grace was conducted to the choir, and placed in the Dean’s Stall, fresh from the touch of the carver’s chisel,—the Suffragan Bishops occupying the other stalls on either side. After the Litany had been chanted in Latin, the Bishop of Chichester preached, and at the close of the sermon the choir sung an anthem. The assembly proceeded to the new Chapter-House, where the Archbishop, being seated on his throne, addressed his brethren, after the writ of summons had been read by the Bishop of London. The election of a Prolocutor for the Lower House followed in order; the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. George Hooper, being preferred to the Dean of Gloucester, Dr. William Jane. High Churchmen, with dismal forebodings of opposition from Low Churchmen, whispered amongst themselves as soon as they had presented their Prolocutor, that perhaps they would be adjourned, without permission to enter on business. This policy Atterbury determined to obstruct; for, said he, if we come to any resolutions, they will certainly be for the honour and interest of the Church, since we have a majority in the Lower House, as remarkable as that of our opponents in the Upper.[338]
1701.