England is not like ancient Italy—London is not the antitype of Rome. On this account, in the first place, that the whole world has changed, and especially the condition of the western nations in reference to each other, since that memorable night when the trumpet of the Goth was heard at the Salarian gate, and armed hosts came rushing along the broad highway, and the soldier flung his brand in the house of Sallust, and the shrieks of maidens and matrons mingled with martial shouts, and the senators saw the old tragedy under the Gauls repeated—Rome surprised and taken. An empire hemmed all around by fierce warlike tribes might be so broken down; but, in the modern world, where are the Goths and Huns and Vandals to be found? And, even if they did exist, the insular position of Great Britain, and her maritime defences, would preserve her from the kind of invasion which prostrated in the dust the old mistress of the world. Only a great civilized power, having large means of transport at its command, could invade our shores. To succeed, it must be a nation eminent for skill and science, as well as for other resources, considering the ample means of defence which, by aid of electric telegraphs, steam, and railways, the government of our country could at the shortest notice bring to bear on the spot endangered by assailants.
The contrast between Athens and England, as it regards their dangers, is suggested in a remarkable passage of Xenophon. He remarks that—“Athens rules the sea; but as the country of Attica is joined to the continent, it is ravaged by enemies, while the Athenians are engaged in distant expeditions. If the Athenians inhabited an island, and besides this enjoyed the empire of the seas, they would, as long as they were possessed of these advantages, be able to annoy others and at the same time be out of all danger of being annoyed.”
The benefit of an insular position, which Athens did not command, is possessed by England; and, as Montesquieu observes, “We might imagine that the Greek historian and philosopher was speaking of our own country.” Athens was finally crushed by the Turks; but whatever apprehension there once was of the invasion of the West by Mohammedan arms, no such apprehension can ever be felt again; and if any likeness be traced between the old Turkish and the present Russian Empire, the latter threatens the East rather than Europe, and an invasion of England by an army that must march through the German States, or by an armament sailing from the Baltic ports, is among the wildest dreams of fear. Then, going back to the fall of Tyre, under the desolating hand of a Nebuchadnezzar and Alexander, peril like hers, in reference to ourselves, seems next to impossible; for the days of such conquerors are gone by for ever. Even the career of Napoleon was not the counterpart of them, nor could be in the modern state of the world, with its large community of civilized, powerful, and independent nations.
The danger of our country, then, is not from the invader; what we have to apprehend in the future is discoverable in another quarter. There are two obvious possibilities which demand our attention: first, England may be out-rivalled. The youthful vigour of America, her art and enterprize, her intelligence, her ardent patriotism, her vast and ever-swelling territory and population, already afford some bold and distinct indications of her future rapid advance—the son promising to surpass the sire. France and Germany, too, are full of latent resources, and of that strong spirit which only needs wisdom to guide it in order to their unprecedented enrichment. And who can tell what Russia will be, when thoroughly civilized? Looking to the universal colonial dependencies of England, which alone can give her territorial importance—for her insular position prevents her from incorporating foreign domains as integral parts of her own country—one can see the possibility of great changes in the East: and then looking to our colonies properly so called, who can deny the likelihood of their throwing off the leading-strings some day, not we hope without filial love for their mother state, to march in their own strength erect along the paths of their high destiny? And in Australasia, especially, there may spring up a new England formed in the providence of God to vie with and outstrip old England. There is a second possibility, from the thought of which we shrink. Looking, on the one hand, at the amount of immorality and irreligion which already obtains amongst us, and at sins for which, on account of general concurrence in them, the nation at large may be held guilty, we have ground of alarm. But, on the other hand, when we take into account the extent of Christian virtue, piety, and benevolence to be found in our land, we recognise grounds of hope. Now it cannot be denied that the latter instead of overcoming the former may leave it to prevail and triumph, and may itself decline. A far deeper depravation of public morals than we have mentioned may occur. So much of national truth and honour as is happily preserved may be sacrificed to a base expediency. Instances of commercial integrity may become rare. Domestic life and manners may lose their present purity. Infidelity and superstition may divide almost all hearts between them. Then is the doom of the country sealed. Mortals are short-sighted as to the relative position of the different states of the world in coming times, the forecastings of the political philosopher are in many instances disappointed, and the prudential measures of the wisest statesmen often fail; but this is sure, that sooner or later a nation will fall from the throne of her greatness, when she deserts the paths of virtue and forsakes the counsels of God. The sins of a people, if not repented of, are certain ultimately to bring down upon them Divine judgments. Nor should it be forgotten, that such ascendency as ours has its special temptations. Plato, in his republic, guards against choosing for his ideal commonwealth “such a site as by its proximity to the sea, and other advantages for merchandise, navigation, and naval warfare, would be liable to render the citizens too wealthy and overbearing, and faithless in war and peace.” Commerce will be the mother of national virtues when she is joined in wedlock with religion, otherwise she may be fruitful in an abundant progeny of vice and crime.
Our danger, then, is internal rather than external. And the same may be said of old Rome, for had she been faithful and virtuous she had never fallen under the barbarians’ sword. It was also true of Greece. And as to Tyre, we are told on the highest authority, “By the multitude of thy merchandise they have filled the midst of thee with violence, and thou hast sinned: therefore will I cast thee as profane out of the mountain of God, and will destroy thee, O covering cherub, from the midst of the stones of fire.” We are convinced that only vice and impiety can ruin us, that only virtue and religion will prove our invincible safeguards. Should such a general state of depravity arise as that described by the prophet, when judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter, though no army should land on our shores, and no foreign navy should touch our fleets, and wealth and luxury should flow on, the curse of Heaven would be on us, and our civilization would be corrupted to the core. But let the righteousness that exalteth a nation be ours, and then, however strong and numerous our enemies, however prosperous and superior our rivals, the arm of God would be our shield—though surpassed we should not be dishonoured: but the destiny of our Empire would still be onwards along the paths of moral civilization.
As Christianity has contributed so greatly to raise us in the scale of nations, so that alone can enable us to preserve our standing. Our religion is as dear to hope as to memory. The influence of the gospel will equally prove the preserver of the highest good amongst us, and the sure catholicon for the worst evils. Whatever plans may be devised to improve the physical and social condition of the people, the only remedy that can touch the moral disease in the individual man, (and that, after all, is the root of every social mischief) must be looked for in the truths of the Bible and the agency of the Holy Spirit. No dream can be more wild and visionary, more at variance with the ancient and modern story of mankind, than to suppose that any changes in the government or laws of a country will of themselves ensure the happiness and prosperity of a nation. Political revolutions the most fair and promising have often proved abortive. It is beyond all doubt a righteous duty to bring the framework and machinery of our social world as near to perfection as it is possible; wise organization is eminently subservient to a nation’s welfare: but our strongest and best hopes for the future security and advancement of the English commonwealth are firmly fixed on the personal regeneration of its members through the Divine power of the gospel of Christ. Earnest, indefatigable, patient, humble, holy endeavours for the application of that heavenly gift to the hearts of our countrymen are in the first rank of our social duties.
And looking for a moment away from home; taking in at one broad glance the moral and religious condition of the British empire, what awful and startling facts arrest our attention, full of irresistible appeals to Christian consciences. “Our queen rules over more Roman Catholics than the pope, over more Mohammedans than the Sublime Porte, and over more pagans than the whole continent of Africa. If we ask, ‘What is the religion of the British Empire?’ judging by numbers, the unhesitating reply must be, paganism. It contains more Mohammedans than Christians of both names, and more pagans than Mohammedans and Christians together.” These facts are indeed voices of warning! What is to be expected, if English Christians do not vastly increase their missionary efforts in our world-wide dependencies, for whose moral and spiritual condition we must, from the circumstance of their dependency, be in a high degree responsible?
In connexion with strenuous efforts at home and in our colonial provinces, near or remote, for the diffusion of Christianity “pure and undefiled,” it is our solemn duty to abound in “supplication and intercessions.” We are sure that prayer did save Israel, and might have saved Sodom. Its influence, as revealed in the apocalyptic vision of John, is so great, that it is seen shaping the course of history. Great changes come—judgments, penal and purifying, among the rest—as the result of prayer:—“And I saw the seven angels who stood before God; and to them were given seven trumpets. And another angel came and stood at the altar, having a golden censer: and there was given unto him much incense, that he should offer it with the prayers of all saints upon the golden altar which was before the throne. And the smoke of the incense, which came with the prayers of the saints, ascended up before God out of the angel’s hand. And the angel took the censer, and filled it with fire of the altar, and cast it into the earth: and there were voices, and thunderings, and lightnings, and an earthquake.” With that “door opened in heaven,” and the light from it falling on the page of our national annals, can we doubt that Christian prayer has had influence upon the destiny of our empire? Who shall unravel all the threads of influence, knitting up men’s hearts in courage and heroism, which proceeded out of days of prayer and fasting in Puritan times, and all the healing virtue brought down by it upon a wounded and bleeding country? And who can tell how much England, in her hour of need, when under James the Second the threatening clouds of papal despotism began to gather, was indebted for the scattering of the storm to the voice of prayer? And, since then, how many critical junctures have occurred, when results have been produced not to be adequately accounted for by any visible cause, and therefore indicating some other agency at work which worldly minds take no note of, but which the devout will recognise in the wrestlings of holy prayer! The throne of grace, under which our fathers took refuge in times of heavy trial must be our resort if we would preserve the religious privileges they have handed down to us, and defend and enlarge the vast heritage of national good which they bequeathed.
PART IV.
ASSOCIATIONS, SECULAR AND SACRED.
“By these mysterious ties, the busy power
Of Memory her ideal train preserves
Entire; or when they would elude her watch
Reclaims their fleeting footsteps from the waste
Of dark oblivion: thus collecting all
The living forms of being, to present
Before the curious aim of mimic art
Their longest choice: like Spring’s unfolded blooms
Exhaling sweetness, that the skilful bee
May taste at will, from their selected spoils,
To work her dulcet food.”Akenside.