These Chinese assemblies gave little representation directly to the masses, a high property or high tax qualification debarring them as in Japan; but the gentry of the guilds, in many cases, espoused the reform sentiment of the masses, exactly as the Stuart Parliaments did to the disgust of the Stuarts who hoped for monarchic support, and as the barons of the “Magna Charta” did at Runnymede to the disgust of Plantagenet John. One provincial assembly president we must note at this point. He is Tang Hua Lung, of the Hupeh Assembly. When Hankau was taken on October 10, 1911, Tang jumped to the front as organizer of the first rebel provincial government; the “province of Hupeh of the Republic of Han”, with headquarters at Wuchang on the Yangtze River, the ancient viceregal capital of the illustrious Chang Chih Tung. With Tang Hua, Sun Yu, brother of Sun Yat Sen, came into prominence. In the mother province of reform, the most progressive province politically of all the twenty-one, Kwangtung, Wu Hon Man agitated in his assembly for reform, and when the imperial viceroy, Chang Ming Chi, fled to Hongkong, because he could find no other refuge, Wu Hon Man rushed into the yamen at Canton with the rebelling Sixteenth, and other regiments, and took charge of that great province for the republican rebels. In its nationalization-of-railways scheme, the Manchus confiscated the Kwangtung railways, promising to pay the owners only sixty per cent. of their investment. Title deeds of mines in Kwangtung and other provinces were also confiscated by the tyrannical Manchu government.

China’s army was a territorial one. Troops raised in this way are hard to control in local emergencies, but they are easier to recruit, mobilize, drill and discipline at the beginning than mixed corps. Among the Generals of Divisions, transferred from the Navy Department, was Li Yuan Heng, on whom the revolutionaries largely fixed their hopes as the man trained and true for the real deeds of deadly arms, which make new governments possible. Propaganda and patience are all right in their places, but powder needs a special man of a stern mold, fit to deal with merciless and terrible enemies. General Li was one of these men, and General Hwang, Sun Yat Sen’s special representative at the Hankau and Hanyang battles, was another. General Ling, on the rebels’ right wing and the republican commander-in-chief, General Hsu Shao Ching, at Shanghai, were others. General Li’s proclamation of the “Republic of Han”, with military headquarters at Wuchang, covered the following points:

General Li, a Hupeh man, was the Marlborough of the revolution, a young, dashing, Christian soldier, used to courts, fine-looking, full of humor, traveled, approachable. General Hsu, as the successful siege of Nanking was later to prove, was the Grant of the revolution, steady, reasonable, persistent, a spender of men, a strategist and a pounder. General Li was educated at the Pei Yang naval colleges at Tientsin and Chifu, and at Japanese military and naval schools at Tokio, Kure and Yokosuka, where the name of China’s one naval hero of the China-Japan War, Admiral Ting, of the famous battleships Chen Yuen and Ting Yuen, is held in considerable respect. Li passed through the terrific fire of the naval engagements of the Yalu and Wei Hai Wei in 1894. He is a Protestant Episcopalian. He traveled round the world with Li Hung Chang in 1896, so that America and Britain were then entertaining unawares one of the Washingtons of republican China.

As general of the Twentieth Division of the northern army, camped at Lanchow, just east of Peking, was General Chang Shao Tsen (we shall call him Chang the First to distinguish him from two other generals Chang of the Manchu camp at Nanking and elsewhere in the northeastern provinces). Chang the First was well trained by the revolutionists in their doctrines of liberty, and was told to watch two camps, the so-called People’s National Assembly at Peking and the Manchu Court at Peking. Chang the First was trained in war by Yuan Shih Kai and the Manchu general-in-chief, Yin Tchang, both of whom were effective men, the former schooled by Tientsin and Peking foreigners, the latter well trained in the Austrian ranks and before the line of guards at Berlin. In old Canton, the mighty stanch Wu Hon Man was president of the provincial assembly of Kwangtung province. He, too, was ready to declare for rebellion, despite the imperial viceroy, Chang Ming, and the loyal Tartar general, who were quartered on his province. In the north, Governor Sun Hao Chi, of classic old Shangtung province (the home of Confucius), was ready to go over. In the province where Shanghai is located, the president of the assembly, Chang Chien, who proposes to visit American chambers of commerce, and who is well known as the host in China of visiting Pacific coast chambers of commerce, was more than ready to declare for reform. He, with Wu Ting Fang, was insistent on the abdication of the Manchu dynasty and the declaration of a republic.

At Lhasa, in far-away Tibet, was an imperial resident who had been trained in reform at Shanghai and in law at Yale College, in America. He was the eminent Wen Tsung Yao, destined to be the assistant foreign minister of the first rebel government, and whose son (a West Point graduate) was slated to lead the most daring charges at Hankau and Nanking. Even in the home of the Manchus, at Mukden, Wu Yun Lien, a Chinese immigrant, president of the Manchuria Assembly, was filled with the doctrine and ready to declare for reform. Great viceroys, who had served China long in official positions under the Manchus, were ready to go over, but for the most part the radical reformers were new men, unknown to the world, as the Manchus had naturally never given office to them.

Many causes, all important, helped to precipitate the crisis. Sheng Kung Pao and others at Peking, Tientsin and Hankau, both Chinese and Manchus whom foreigners know well, had, partly under foreign advice and Japan’s example, planned to compel the provinces and the gentry of the guilds to sell out their many little railroads, a number of which were paying well, to the central government, which intended to nationalize the railroads quickly under immense loans from the banking nations of the Occident and Japan. These loans meant to the local gentry the extinction of distributed small fortunes and opportunities; concessions of mines to foreigners, such as the immense gifts of franchises to the British “Peking Syndicate” in Shansi province, to the London and China syndicate in Hupeh province, to Belgian, German, French, Italian and other syndicates; heavy interest; continuation of the unscientific Likin system of customs as a security, and payment of obnoxious bonuses, as when Hupeh province, under Chang Chih Tung, in 1904, had to pay a bonus to buy back a Chinese railway concession; and in 1911, when China had to buy the bonds which represented by an excess payment of $3,750,000 a Chinese railroad which existed only on paper; and as Professor Ross points out in The Changing Chinese, when Shansi province had to pay a syndicate over two millions to relinquish an undeveloped concession in China which cost them almost nothing. The bitter complaint, written in blood, of the Hunanese of Changsha City on this subject is quoted in the New York Railway-Age Gazette of October 13, 1911, and includes this sentence: “When a piece of meat is in the traitorous railway thief’s mouth, it is hard to take it out.” All may not agree with the Chinese position, but all should duly consider the Chinese side of the question as expressed in their words. “Peking has betrayed Wuchang,” cried the Hupeh men.

There were many more instances from the Sungari to the Yangtze basins, yea, to the Mekong basin, through 2,500 miles of mine and men, traffic and trade, of the hard bargain driven by the foreign lender, generally under bad foreign advice.

No foreign house should ever send a representative to China unless it is willing to send an enlightened and humane man, who intellectually appreciates the able Chinese as much as he appreciates the foreigner, and whose sympathies are equally divided between Cathay and his own nation. Only such a man can deal fairly and give impartial advice, which alone in the end will win for the foreigner what properly is his of the profit and prestige. “Why should we, with the richest mines on earth; the richest passenger, freight and labor field; with lands plethoric of water power and grain; and the lowest debt, if unjust coerced indemnities were wiped out, pay foreigners such immense bonuses, interest and concessions, discounts and profits to go out of our country”; rang the cry, not only in Hupeh, Hunan, Szechuen, Shansi and Kwangtung provinces, but even in native papers printed under the shadow of the foreign banks on the bund at Tientsin in the north.

There was one large meeting of protest held by the Chinese of British Hongkong in the Chui Yin Hotel on September 3, 1911, delegates attending even from distant Szechuen province. Viceroy Liu Ming Chuan’s memorial was recalled: “The wealth of the country is being monopolized by foreigners”. The Railroad Protective Association, of Chingtu City, in August, 1911, issued a famous placard in which the four banking nations in caricature were made to say: “The wealth of the four provinces of Szechuen, Kwangtung, Hunan and Hupeh, all is given to us four foreign nations to swallow down at one gulp”. Chinese men, women and children, bound together before the ancestral graves, are made to say: “Bound helplessly; it is unbearable. We are bound in one bunch to be given to foreigners. Come quickly, friends of the Railroad Protective Association, and deliver us.” The loot, lying ready for the syndicates of the four nations to take away, is pictured as cash money, bullion sycee, bank bills, and books of China’s Confucian classics and history. Other caricatures were prepared so as to inflame patriotism in the breasts of the new students, the foreigner being made to say cynically: “The venal students only want their up-keep, purchased diplomas, political office, four chair bearers, free theatricals and they’ll hush up. The mask may be brave as a dragon’s head, but the tail is cowardly as a crawling snake.”