Journal of a tour in Marocco and the Great Atlas

by Joseph Dalton Hooker; John Ball

English	Shelluh			Kabyle			Tamashek’
Man		argaz			ergaz			ales
Woman	⎰ ⎱	tamraut	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	themthout		⎰ ⎱	tameth
		tamtout			themgart			tamethout
Boy		ayel			ashish		⎰ ⎱	abaradh
								amaradh
Girl		tayelt			tehayalt			tamarat
Slave		issemgh			ismigh			akli
Horse		ayiss		⎰ ⎱	eïss	⎱ ⎰		ayiss
					aghmar
Camel	⎰ ⎱	aroum	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	aram	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	amnis
		algrom			elgroum			amagour
Sheep	⎰ ⎱	izimer	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	thiksi	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	izimer
		djellib			thili			ekraz
Mule		tasardount			aserdoun			—
Boar		amouran			mourran			azibara
Cow		tafounest			tefonest			tes
Green lizard		tasamoumiat			tesermoumit			—
Water		amen		⎰ ⎱	eman	⎱ ⎰		aman
					aman
Bread	⎰ ⎱	tagora	⎱ ⎰		aghroum			tagella
		aghroum
Milk		akfaï		⎰ ⎱	aifki	⎱ ⎰		akh
					aghfaï
Meat		ouksoum			aksoum			—
Eggs		tikellin		⎰ ⎱	tighliim	⎱ ⎰		—
					thimillim
Barley		toumzīn			toumsin			timzin
Dates	⎰ ⎱	tena	⎱ ⎰		tini			teini
		tinie
Green figs		akermous			tibaksisin			—
Honey		tamint			thament			—
Sun		atfoukt			tefoukt			tafoukt
Mountain		adrar (plur idrarn)			edrar (plur. ouderan)			adrar (plur. idrarn)
Palm tree		taghinast			jat faroukt			—
Year		aksougaz			ezoughaz			aouétai
Morning		zir			ighilwas			ifaout
To-morrow		azgah			ezikka			toufat
Village		thedderth			tedert			—
House	⎰ ⎱	tikimie	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	tighimi	⎱ ⎰		—
		tigameen			akham
Wood		asr’oer			esghar			asr’er
Dinner		imkelli			elles			amekchi
Head		akfie		⎰ ⎱	ikf	⎱ ⎰		ir’ef
					akfai
Eyes		alen			ellin			tiththaouin (sing. tith)
Nose		tinzah			inzer			—
Feet		idarn			idaren (sing. adar)			—
Go (imper.)		aftou			eddou			eg’al
Come		ashi		⎰ ⎱	as	⎱ ⎰		as (come, or go)
					eshkad
Give		fikihie			efki			ekf
Eat		aïnish			itch			eksh
Call		irkerah			kera			—
Sit down		gaouze		⎰ ⎱	ghaouer	⎱ ⎰	⎰ ⎱	r’im
					aguim			ekk’im
Good		egan ras			delâli			elkir r’as

It will be seen that, as regards thirty out of thirty-five Shelluh substantives here enumerated, the Kabyle equivalents are distinguished only by dialectic differences, and the same holds as to at least four out of six verbs. It thus appears, as far as the evidence goes, that there is as much verbal resemblance between these tongues as between Italian and Spanish, or other allied languages belonging to the same stock. The comparison with the Tamashek’ shows a less close etymological relationship. Out of twenty-four substantives for which Tamashek’ equivalents have been found, twelve only, and two only out of five verbs, show identity of origin. But it is interesting to find indications that the Shelluh retains a closer conformity to the rules of Tamashek’ grammar than does the better known Kabyle language. In the very few cases where a comparison is possible we find, indeed, absolute identity. Thus the Shelluh word for boy (ayel), is apparently not found either in Kabyle or Tamashek;’ but the feminine form (tayelt), for girl, precisely follows the rule of Tamashek’ inflexion for gender, and a slight modification of this (tehayalt) is found in the Kabyle. A somewhat similar example is the word tasardount for mule, this being the regular feminine form of the Kabyle name, aserdoun. The word adrar (mountain) forms its plural idrarn exactly according to rule, and both singular and plural are identical with the Tamashek’ forms; while the Kabyle shows dialectic differences, especially in the plural where the final r of the singular is lost. The last word in the list affords an illustration of the liability to error incurred by a traveller attempting to form a vocabulary of a language with which he has but a slight acquaintance. Good is here used in the sense of a satisfactory answer to inquiries, pretty much as all right is adopted in colloquial English. Jackson was doubtless familiar with the expression egan ras, which he gives as the Shelluh equivalent, and which we also often heard from the natives; but the ras of the Shelluh is obviously the same as the Tamashek’ adverb r’as, meaning only, or exclusively, which invariably follows the word elkir in the corresponding Tamashek’ reply, elkir r’as.

It has not appeared necessary to add to the table given above a column for the corresponding words in the Zénaga language from the vocabulary given by General Faidherbe. The amount of verbal similarity between this and the Shelluh is very trifling, and the distinguished author referred to was doubtless misinformed when led to express a belief in their close connection.

The time is perhaps not yet come for forming a definitive judgment as to the origin of the Bereber languages, and the precise nature of the relations between them and the ancient language of Egypt on the one hand, and those of the Semitic family on the other. The present writer feels his own incompetence to grapple with questions of such difficulty, and will merely refer the reader to the conclusions recently announced by M. de Rochemonteix as those which appear to carry with them the greatest weight.

In his essay, published in 1876,[2] the learned writer finds that the ancient Egyptian and the Bereber possessed the same pronominal roots, and employed the same methods for forming their inflexions and derivatives; and he arrives at the same opinion with reference to the inflexions of the substantives. He further asserts that the modifications which time and external conditions have effected are of a superficial character, and in no way conceal the close grammatical affinity of these languages. Whether this affinity be due to direct inheritance, or to common descent from a more remote ancestral stock, is a question not touched by the writer, who bases his conclusions on a study of two only of the Bereber dialects, the Kabyle and the Tamashek.’[3]

With reference to the relation indicated by the conjugation of the Bereber verb, in which the grammatical processes show a considerable affinity with those of the Semitic languages, while the comparison of the verbal elements shows no token of common origin, M. de Rochemonteix expresses the opinion that at an early period of their development, the Bereber people must have been brought into contact with the Semitic stock, and may well have been struck by the advantage of precision obtained by systematic conjugation of the verb, and thus gradually moulded their own rude tongue on the model supplied to them.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Le Zénaga des Tribus Sénégalaises. Paris, 1877.

[2]Essai sur les rapports grammaticaux entre l’Egyptien et le Berbère, par le Marquis de Rochemonteix. Paris, 1876.

[3]It is of some interest to remark that the latest conclusions of philologists on the affinity of the North African dialects, substantially agree with the testimony of the earliest writer who came in contact with them. The following passage is taken from the original version of the description of Africa by Leo Africanus, published by Ramusio in his famous work ‘Delle Navigationi et Viaggi:’ Venetia, 1563, vol. i. p. 2 f. The Moorish writer divides the indigenous white population of Northern Africa into five races, enumerated by him, and then continues: ‘Tutti i cinque popoli—i quali sono divisi in centinaja di legnaggi, et in migliaja di migliaja d’habitationi, insieme si conformano in una lingua la quale comunemento è da loro detta Aquel Amarig, che vuol dir lingua nobile. Et gli Arabi di Africa la chiamano lingua barbaresca, che è la lingua africana nathia. Et questa lingua è diversa et differente dalle altre lingue: tuttavia in essa pur trovano alcuni vocaboli della lingua araba, di maniera che alcuni gli tengono et usangli per testimonianza, che gli Africani siano discesi dall’ origine d’i Sabei, popolo, come s’è detto nell’ Arabia felice. Ma la parte contraria afferma, che quelle voci arabe che si trovano nella detta lingua, furono recate in lei dapoi che gli Arabi entrarono nell’ Africa, et la possederono. Ma questi popoli furono di grosso inteletto et ignoranti, intanto che niun libro lasciarono, che si possa addurre in favore nè dell’ una nè dell’ altra parte. Hanno ancora qualche differenza tra loro non solo nella pronontia, ma etiandio nella signification di molti et molti vocaboli. Et quelli che sono più vicini a gli Arabi, et più usano la domestichezza loro, più similmente tengono de loro vocaboli arabi nella lingua. Et quasi tutto il popolo di Gumera’ (the Rif Country) ‘usa la favella araba, ma corrotta. Et molti della stirpe della gente di Haoara parlano pure arabo, et tuttavia corrotta. Et ciò aviene per haver lunghi tempi havuta conversazione con gli Arabi.’