The tables thus described are employed, to spell words throughout the Chinese dictionaries from K’áng-hí and the 正字通, upwards to the T’áng dynasty and even earlier. There is but one system and one set of tones, the tone is included in the final, or second word in the 反切, Fan t’sih while the first gives the initial, and both are in constant accordance with the tables. The characters 犯 and 下 for example are always given in the 上聲 second tone, but the latter is as a verb also given in the 去聲 third tone. Different dictionaries choose different words to spell with, but the system is one; e.g. 動 is spelt with 徒 dú and 樬 ’tsóng, making ’dóng. It is added 𠀤同上聲, it is the same as dóng read in the second tone.
In considering to which system of pronunciation now existing these characteristics best apply, there occur several objections to the modern mandarin.
The mandarin of Nán-king and Yáng-cheú in Kiáng-nan, of Ngán-k’ing in Ngán-hwei, and of Ch’áng-shá in Hú-nan has five tones, viz. 上平, 下平, 上聲, 去聲, 入聲. In the northern parts of Kiáng-nan another system begins. Words in the 入聲 júh shing become distributed among the other four tones, and this peculiarity extends over the northern provinces including the metropolitan city. The 上平 and 下平 differ as much from each other, as they both do from the other tones, so that the nomenclature of tones, when first invented, could not have referred to the Nanking or Peking mandarin, as they are at present. Evidently the literati speaking those dialects have taken their names of tones from the dictionary system, and not vice versâ. Nor have these two modes of pronunciation since the Yuen dynasty any such finals as m among the long tones, or k, t, p in the júh shing. Not to insist on the differences in the medial vowel i, the want of the initials g, d, b, is another reason for our seeking elsewhere for the prototype of the dictionary system. The western provinces of China are the same in principle as to their pronunciation. Like the mandarin of northern China, they always admit the aspirate after k, t, p, in the 下平, and reject it, except in irregular instances, in all words that are in the southern and eastern provinces in the 下上, 下去, and 下入.
Further, the irregularities of the initial consonants found in the mandarin provinces, are not taken into account in the native tables. Such are the changes of ki into chi at Peking; l into n, and n into l in many dialects; the coalescing of ki and tsi in others. The 下平 aspirates, and some other changes are included in the second table formed to accompany K’áng-hí’s dictionary; yet that table is but a modern and incomplete revision of the older system.
If any one desires native tables of the mandarin pronunciation, he must look for them in the 五方元音 and such works, which give them with great accuracy; though of course their authority is not equal to that of the celebrated dictionaries already cited.
For investigating the sounds of Canton and Fúh-kien, every facility is afforded by the careful dictionaries of those systems of pronunciation that have been prepared by native authors. The Cháng-cheú dialect with its fifteen initials, and its want of a lower 上聲 is definitely marked. Although like the Canton pronunciation it contains the finals m, p, t, k, admits a medial i in words such as 弓, and rejects it in 艱, thus agreeing with the tables in some of their peculiarities, it can only be regarded so far as the tables are concerned, as an isolated, out-lying member of the general system of dialects. The finals, m, t, p, k, disappear on the Fúh-kíen coast at Hing-hwá.
The Canton dialect possesses very regular tones, none of them being inverted in pitch as in Fúh-kíen and Kiáng-sí, and it has among them the lower 上聲, or as it is usually called, the sixth tone. In this tone are found perhaps half of the words, having the dictionary initials, g, d, b, zh, z, some of which are given in page 218. But they are pronounced k, t, p, etc. E.g. 似, 倍, 柱, 重, 婦, 牝. These words with many others are in the Canton 分韻. marked lower 上聲. In mandarin they are 去聲.
Nowhere do we find such an accurate general correspondence with the tables, as in the pronunciation of the central parts of China. The tones are such, that the dictionary system is seen at once on examination to apply to them with accuracy. The alphabetical peculiarities of the native tables are found with one or two doubtful exceptions, to be embraced in a tract of country, which will now be roughly indicated.
In the north, the thick series of consonants, g, z, etc. marking the lower series, i.e. in southern China words in tones 5–8, makes its appearance in 南通州 Nán T’óng-cheú, a prefecture lying along the northern bank of the Yáng-tsz-kiáng, where it enters the ocean. The transition from d, etc. where the region of the northern mandarin is approached, is marked by the introduction of the aspirate.
Thus, 地 dí‘ becomes t’í‘, before it becomes tí‘. The two pronunciations are mixed in Chun-kiáng fú 鎭江, There the mandarin system of five tones crosses the river to the south and extends to Nanking. All round Háng-cheú bay, the two correlate series of consonants, and the four-tone system mark the colloquial dialect. Chu-san and Ningpo, Shaú-hing and Hang-cheú, on the south, are at one with Sú-cheú, Ch’áng-cheú and Súng-kiáng, on the north. Perhaps the whole of Cheh-kiáng province has substantially the same spoken medium. Passing the point where the three provinces Cheh-kiáng, Fúh-kíen and Kiáng-sí meet, the thick consonants are still found partially prevailing in the two prefectures of the latter province Kwáng-sin and Kíen-cháng, lying to the west of the Wú-í hills. But at 撫州 Fú-cheú, a little farther westward they have entirely disappeared, and are replaced by aspirates. Instead of dí‘ earth, they there say t’í, for bing sickness, p’ing, and so through all words beginning with k, t, p, in the lower series. The same peculiarity marks the Hakka dialect and that of Kiá-ying cheú 嘉應侧, in the eastern part of Canton province. Nothing can be said in the present notice of the southern parts of Kiáng-sí, but Nán-ch’áng the provincial capital has the aspirates only in the fifth tone where they should properly be, and in the other lower tones has k, t, etc. distinguished from words in the upper series, simply by difference in tone. Immediately north of this city, on both sides of the Pó-yáng lake, the broad consonants occur again. It might be expected that through Ngan-hwei, a connecting chain of dialects should link the broad pronunciation of this region, including the Potteries 景德鎮, and 南康府 on the other side of the lake, with the similar system extending over Cheh-kiáng, and a great part of Kiáng-sú. This line exists and extends through Ning-kwóh fú, but it is so narrow that it does not reach the great river on the north, nor the city of Hwei-cheú on the south. The last mentioned place has two dialects within its walls, in one of which two sets of tones exist, the tones of conversation being quite distinct from those of reading. This is independent of the alphabetical differences of the reading and the spoken sounds, which also here appear to reach their maximum. Near this city, the pronunciation varies so fast that three dialects are found in one híen. The belt of country across Ngan-hwei, where the lower series of consonants is in use, is bordered on the north by dialects containing the aspirates, that so frequently form the medium of transition to the thin consonants and fewer tones of mandarin.