4thly. The Proprietors and Stock-Holders in the public Funds will undoubtedly range on the Side of Government; because they can get nothing, but must necessarily lose by the Convulsions of the State, and by the Overthrow of that Constitution, the Preservation of which is their greatest Security.

5thly. The whole Body of the learned Profession in the Law (Men who have acquired their Knowledge of the Constitution from Authors of a Cast very different from bawling, disappointed Patriots, or hungry Pamphleteers;—these Men, I say) in general agree, that each Member of the House of Commons, tho’ elected by one particular County, City, or Borough, doth not represent that particular County, City, or Borough, in any exclusive Sense; for he represents the whole Commons of the Realm, one Part, and one Individual as well as another. A Member chosen by the County of Middlesex is not chosen for Middlesex exclusively, but for all the Subjects of the British Empire; each of whom hath as constitutional a Right to his Services, and may be as much affected by his particular Conduct, and therefore has as much Right to instruct him, as any Freeholder in the County of Middlesex: And he, on his Part, is bound by his Office to omit the smaller Interest of the County of Middlesex, or of the Middlesex Electors, when standing in Competition with the greater Interests of his Fellow Subjects in America, or other Places:—So that in short, tho’ some few only, perhaps not a fortieth Part, of the Inhabitants of the whole Island, have legal Votes for Representatives, all in general, both within the Island, and without it, are virtually represented. That this is Fact and Law, that this ever was the Constitution of the British Empire, from the earliest Times down to the present Day, is such an apparent Truth, that it cannot be denied. Therefore in this Sense it is true, and in no other, that every Member of the common Wealth is supposed to give his previous Consent to the making of those Laws, which he is afterwards bound to obey, and to the imposing of those Taxes which he is obliged to pay. Indeed upon this Footing (viz. of virtual Representation in some Cases, and of actual Election in others) a free and well-poised Government can stand, and be supported; but it can be supported on no other:—Nay, the Government of the Massachusets-Bay itself, whenever this Colony shall become independent of the Mother-Country, must then, as well as now, be supported on this very Principle; that is to say, on the very Principle against which they so loudly clamour. And besides all this, the very same Reasons, which induce the non-represented Subjects in England to submit quietly and peaceably to the Payment of those Taxes, to which they have not given their Consent by actual Representation, ought to induce the Americans to acquiesce also; because, if the American Trade is so valuable, as reported, a British Parliament cannot injure this Trade by any Mode of Taxation, without injuring the Merchants, the Manufacturers, and the Traders in general of Great-Britain; and thereby sinking the Profits of their own Estates, and the Rents of their own Lands and Houses.

6thly. The whole legislative Power of the Kingdom will certainly support their own Authority, and not commit Felo de se to please their Enemies. They will not, they never can admit the Parliaments of North-America to be independent of them, or co-ordinate with themselves in the same State or Empire.

7thly. The whole executive Power of the Kingdom is at present in the Hands of his Majesty, and of those who act in his Name, and by his Authority. There the Constitution has placed it, and in no other Hands; nor is there the least Probability that mobbing, huzzaing, furious Speeches, and inflammatory Libels, without Arms, Artillery, or Ammunition, and without a Treasury, will be able to wrest the executive Power out of the Hands of those who constitutionally enjoy it.

And now upon this General Review and Muster of the Forces on the Malcontent, as well as the Government Side, let every one consider well within himself, what he ought to do at the present Crisis, as a constitutional Patriot, an honest Englishman, a loyal Subject, and a prudent Man.

THE END.

ERRATA.

P. 19. l. 10.for Cacus read Polyphemus.
P. 62. l. 17.after Labour add and.
P. 62. l. 19.dele and.
P. 65. l. 8.before Sailors add and.
P. 72. l. 21.after Produce add of the Excise.

Lately published by the same Author,