[CHAPTER II.]
Artificial Systems and Terminology of Organs from Cesalpino to Linnaeus.
1583-1760.
While botany was being developed in Germany and the Netherlands in the manner described in the previous chapter, and long before this process of development reached its furthest point in Kaspar Bauhin, Andrea Cesalpino in Italy was laying down the general plan, on which the further advance of descriptive botany was to proceed in the 17th and till far into the 18th century; all that was done in the 17th century in Germany, England, and France towards furthering morphology and systematic botany was done with a reference to Cesalpino’s principles, whether these were accepted and made use of, or whether it was sought to refute them. This connection with Cesalpino became gradually less close and less obvious, being concealed by new points of view and by the increase of material for observation; but Cesalpino’s ideas on the theoretical principles of systematic botany and the nature of plants appear so plainly, even in the views of Linnaeus, that no one can read both authors without lighting not unfrequently upon passages in Linnaeus’ ‘Fundamenta’ or in his ‘Philosophia Botanica,’ which remind him of Cesalpino, and even upon sentences borrowed from him. As we saw in Kaspar Bauhin the close of the course of development commenced by Fuchs and Bock, so we may regard Linnaeus as having built up and completed the edifice of doctrine founded by Cesalpino.
Cesalpino comes before us, in strong contrast with the simple-minded empiricism of the German fathers of botany, as the thinker in presence of the vegetable world. Their main task was the amassing descriptions of individual plants. Cesalpino made the material gathered by experience the subject of earnest reflection; he sought especially to obtain universals from particulars, important principles from sensuous perceptions; but as his forms of thought were entirely Aristotelian, it was inevitable that his interpretation of the facts should introduce into them much that would have to be got rid of subsequently by the inductive method. Cesalpino differs also from the German botanists in another respect; he did not rest satisfied with the general impression produced by the plants, but carefully examined the separate parts and paid attention to the small and concealed organs; he was the first who converted observation into real scientific research; and thus we find in him a remarkable union of inductive natural science and Aristotelian philosophy, a mixture which gives a peculiar character to the theoretical efforts of his successors down to Linnaeus.
Cesalpino was moreover much before his time in his mode of contemplating the vegetable kingdom, seeking always for philosophical combinations and comprehensive points of view. His work which appeared in 1583 exercised no perceptible influence on his contemporaries; a trace of such influence only may be seen in Kaspar Bauhin thirty or forty years later, while the work of the botanists who followed Bauhin down to 1670 was confined everywhere to increasing the knowledge of individual plants. With this object travels were undertaken after 1600 to all parts of the world; many new botanic gardens were added to the few which had been founded in the 16th century—as at Giessen in 1617, at Paris in 1620, at Jena in 1629, at Oxford in 1632, at Amsterdam in 1646, at Utrecht in 1650. Instead of endeavouring to embrace with their labours the whole vegetable kingdom, botanists preferred to devote themselves to the examination of single districts. This gave rise to the first local floras (the word flora, however, was first introduced by Linnaeus in the next century), and of these Germany especially soon produced a considerable number; a flora of Altorf was published by Ludwig Jungermann in 1615, of Ingolstadt by Albert Menzel in 1618, of Giessen by Jungermann in 1623, of Dantzic by Nicolaus Oelhafen in 1643, of Halle by Carl Scheffer in 1662, of the Palatinate by Frank von Frankenau in 1680, of Leipsic by Paul Ammann in 1675, of Nuremberg by J. Z. Volkamer in 1700.
But though travel, catalogues in local floras, and the cultivation of plants in botanic gardens promote knowledge of very varied kind, yet this remains scattered about among descriptions of plants, until at last a writer with powers of combination and wider and deeper glance endeavours to gain some general conclusions from them. Such attempts we first meet with late in the second half of the 17th century in Morison, Ray, Bachmann (Rivinus), Tournefort, and others, who took up Cesalpino’s principles after they had lain neglected for almost a hundred years, and indeed were almost forgotten by botanists.
In the dearth of higher scientific efforts during this period, the describing of plants and cataloguing of species prolonged a somewhat pitiful existence. This describing, a work of great usefulness in the fathers of German botany, was now become by perpetual repetition a mechanical labour; all that was to be gained in this way had already been gained by de l’Obel and Bauhin. This sterility which followed upon the fruitful beginnings of the 16th century was general; neither in Germany nor Italy, neither in France nor England, did the botanists produce anything of importance. The representatives of the science did not count among the more highly gifted or among the thinkers of their time; and so content with the minor work of collecting and cataloguing plants, and with endeavouring to know all plants as far as possible by name, they lost whatever capacity they may have possessed for more difficult operations of the mind simply by not attempting them.
There was one man indeed in Germany who studied the vegetable kingdom in the first half of the 17th century in the spirit of Cesalpino before him, but who, like Cesalpino, found no honour among contemporary botanists. This man was the well-known philosopher Joachim Jung, who invented a comparative terminology for the parts of plants, and occupied himself with critical enquiries into the theory of the system, the naming of species and other subjects, embodying their results in a long array of aphorisms. Free from the genius-stifling burden which the knowledge of individual species had become, a man possessed of varied accomplishments and a well-trained mind, Jung was better qualified than the professed botanists to see what was wanted in botany and would advance it—a phenomenon more than once repeated in the history of the science. But his results remained unknown to all except his immediate pupils, till Ray admitted them into his great work on plants in 1693, and made them the foundation of his own theoretical botany. Enriched by Ray’s good morphological remarks, Jung’s terminology passed to Linnaeus, who adopted it as he adopted every thing useful that literature offered him, improving it here and there, but impairing its spirit by his dry systematising manner.
The labours of the botanists of Germany and the Netherlands during the 17th century, which culminated in Kaspar Bauhin, were not without important influence upon the development of systematic botany which began with Cesalpino. When Cesalpino wrote the work which forms an epoch in the science, he was perhaps unacquainted with the natural classification of de l’Obel (1576); at least there is nothing in his book which shows that he had seen it; it appears even as though he had made the discovery independently, that there is an actual connection of relationship among plants expressed in their organisation as a whole; it is at any rate certain that this fact assumed from the first an entirely different expression in his system from that which it received at the hands of de l’Obel and Bauhin, inasmuch as he was not guided by an indistinct feeling for resemblances, but believed that he could establish on predetermined grounds a system of marks, by which the objective relationship must be recognised. If Cesalpino was thus in advance of the German botanists, since he endeavoured to express with clearness and on principle that which they only felt indistinctly, he was at the same time treading a dangerous path, and one which led succeeding botanists astray till the time of Linnaeus,—the path which must always lead to artificial classifications, since the natural system can never be laid down upon a priori principles of division. Through this labyrinth, in which botanists down to Linnaeus wandered fruitlessly hither and thither, there remained one guide consistently pointing to the goal to be attained, namely, the feeling for natural affinity first vividly apprehended by the German botanists, and expressed by them to some extent in their classifications. And when at last Linnaeus and Bernard de Jussieu made the first feeble attempts at a natural arrangement, it was the same indistinct perception which asserted itself in them as in de l’Obel and Bauhin, and enabled them to see that the path hitherto trodden could only lead astray.
The period in the development of descriptive botany which begins with Cesalpino and reaches to Linnaeus may accordingly be perhaps best characterised by saying, that botanists sought to do justice to natural affinities by means of artificial classifications, till at length Linnaeus clearly perceived the contradiction involved in this method of proceeding. But inasmuch as Linnaeus left it to the future to work out the natural system, and arranged the plants which he described in a confessedly artificial manner, he so far marks rather the close of a previous condition of the science than the beginning of modern botany.
These introductory observations will have supplied the reader with the thread which will guide him through the following account of the more prominent points in the history of botanical science from Cesalpino to Linnaeus.