[9.] Santa Anna as Dictator and President. [13]Pakenham, nos. 82 of 1833; 119 of 1841; 20, 57, 77, 99, 121 of 1842; 13 of 1843. [13]Doyle, nos. 47, 72, 76, 81 of 1843. [13]Bankhead, nos. 4, 43, 54, 66, 72, 73, 96, 105, 108, 110 of 1844; 1, 20, 50 of 1845; 57 of 1846. [231]Butler to Jackson, Dec. 14, 1835. [52]Ellis, no. 44 of 1841. [52]Thompson, nos. 1, 3 of 1842; 31 of 1843; 40 of 1844. [52]B. E. Green, April 8; May 16; June 7, 21; July 14, 1844. Green to Calhoun, June 15, 1844 (Ho. 2; 28, 2, p. 59). D. Green to Calhoun, Oct. 28; Nov. 12, 29, 1844 (Jameson, Calh. Corr., 975, 991, 1000). [52]Consul Burroughs to Ellis, Jan. 10, 1837. [52]Consul Dimond, no. 200, 1843. [52]Shannon, nos. 3, 4, 5, 1844. [52]Id., Jan. 9, 1845. [52]B. Mayer, statement, Dec. 9, 1842. C. M. Bustamante, Gobierno, 1, 11, 22, 65, 94, 106, 247, 287, 289, 298, 322–4, 384. Giménez, Mems., 263. Bocanegra, Mems., ii, 679. Calderón, Life, i, 337; ii, 195, 272–4, 392. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Mar. 12, 1845; Dec, 1846. Mem. de ... Hacienda, Feb., 1844. Mem. de ... Justicia, Jan., 1844. Paredes [Letters], Advertencia, 141. Jones, Memoranda, 433 (Arista). México á través, iv, 474–80, 484–90, 492–9, 506, 509, 517–30, 532–4, 540, 547. Zamacois, México, xii, 280–1, 283, 285, 330. Löwenstern, Le Mexique, 288. Rivero, México, 90, 94. Diario del Gobierno, Jan. 12, 1845. Journal des Débats, Sept. 13, 1842; Mar. 16, 1844; Apr. 29, 1845. Revue de Paris, Dec., 1844. Constitutionnel, Jan. 6, 1844. Otero, Cuestión, 69–70. Tornel, Reseña, 74. Zavala, Revoluciones, i, 151. [231]Butler to Jackson, June 6, 1834. [11]Martin, Aug. 25, 1828. [11]Cochelet, Feb. 3, 1830. [52]Butler, July 9, 1834. Alvarez, Manifiesto, 1845. Ellis, Soul of Spain, 37. Sierra, Evolution, i, 211. Defensa del Gen. S. Anna. Causa Criminal. S. Anna, Address, 1846. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 507, 545, 612, 647–73. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 502–5, 511. Texas Register, Mar. 15, 1845 (Eye-witness). London Times, Nov. 15, 1841; Feb. 13; Dec 6, 1845. Thompson, Recolls., 76, 80, 85–6. Tudor, Tour, ii, 164. Proceso de S. Anna, 1845. [56]W. S. Parrott, Apr. 29, 1845. (S. Anna’s appearance) N. Orl. Commerc. Bulletin, July 18, 1836; [52]Consul Cameron, Feb. 14, 1831; Stapp, Prisoners, 151–2; Mofras, Explor., i, 14; Thompson, Recolls., 66; Ferry, Revols., 253–5; [231]Ellis to family, July 8, 1839.
“Genius of evil,” cried a pamphleteer to Santa Anna, “demon of avarice and covetousness, you are, like Attila, the scourge of God. Your power has been, like that of Satan, a power of corruption, of ruin, and of destruction. You resemble a fury of hell, blind, devastating, and bloody. Amid the horrors of civil war, amid lakes of blood and mountains of dead bodies, you always present yourself like a spectre, inciting all to devastation, slaughter, and revenge”; and such productions almost whitened the pavements.
[10.] Herrera’s administration. (In Sept., 1845, Herrera became President by regular election.) [13]Bankhead, nos. 108 of 1844; [ ], 17, 30, 70, 82, 85 of 1845. [56]W. S. Parrott, Apr. 29, 1845; May 22, 30; June 10, 24; July 12, 15, 26, 30; Aug. 16, 23, 29; Sept. 2, 18, 29; Oct. 11, 1845. [52]Slidell, no. 4, Dec. 27, 1845. [52]Consul Campbell, June 7, 1845. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Dec, 1846. Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec., 1846. Zavala, Revoluciones, ii, 47. [52]Dimond, June 11; Dec. 14, 1845. Siglo XIX, Oct. 5, 9; Nov. 15, 22, 30; Dec. 6, 9, 1845. Diario, Apr. 19; June 7; Sept. 10, 1845. Republicano, Feb. 3, 1847. Amigo del Pueblo, Nov. 30, 1845. London Times, Aug. 6; Oct. 6; Nov. 11; Dec. 6, 1845; Jan. 8, 1846. México á través, iv, 529, 541–5. Smith, Annex. of Texas, 423–4. Importantes Recuerdos. National, Mar. 18, 1845. Journal des Débats, Apr. 29; Aug. 2, 1845. Wash. Union, Sept. 29, 1845. Constituent Congress, Address, 1824. Cuatro Palabras. Consideraciones, 43–5. Voz del Pueblo, Nov. 12, 1845. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 693–720. Baz, Juárez, 43. Rivera, Gobernantes, ii, 281–4.
[11.] A thoughtful Mexican analyzed the situation in substance as follows: Our people as a whole have forgotten morality, sincerity, patriotism, disinterestedness, and all the other virtues that upbuild great nations; only selfishness, base and ruinous passions, hatreds and vile revenges exist among us, and on all sides discords and rancors force themselves upon the dullest eye; the country, weakened by the parties, divided by incompatible interests and claims, has been unable to obtain order and repose, because interested persons have always promoted anarchy and disorder in every possible way; the liberty that the army achieved has been used only as brutal license; and each of us, regarding himself as a judge in the land, has felt entirely emancipated from all obligations, and fully at liberty to upset everything at his will.
III. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, 1825–1843
[1.] As was mentioned in chap. ii ([p. 30]), the Spaniards had endeavored to keep foreign ideas out of Mexico, and the people of Protestant countries had been studiously misrepresented—even as having tails. See Smith, Annex. of Texas, 419; [231]Butler to Jackson, June 23, 1831; [13]Pakenham, nos. 29, Apr. 26, 1832; 2, Feb. 14, 1835; [11]Cochelet, Sept. 29, 1829. Evidence without limit could be cited.
[2.] One does not like to write such things. But (1) if the subject is to be understood, they must be said; (2) they are not as hard as things alleged against the United States by the Mexicans; and (3) they are written of a long past generation. On this point we will confine ourselves to Mexican testimony and testimony from that nation which was on the most intimate and friendly terms with Mexico, had the chief interest there, and enjoyed the lion’s share of mercantile profit. In 1823 the minister of the treasury said that only in the case of one state could its financial condition be learned even approximately from the public accounts ([11]despatch to French govt. about July, 1823). Eleven years later the head of that department announced that it was impossible to ascertain what the legitimate income of the government for the previous year had been (Memoria, 1834). In 1838 the man occupying that post admitted officially that no minister of the treasury since 1822 had possessed sufficient data to make a satisfactory report (Memoria, July, 1838), and the British representative stated that “the most vitally important matters” were “wholly left to chance” by the government ([13]Ashburnham, no. 37, May 24, 1838). That the national authorities were evasive and jesuitical, resorting to subterfuges, shifting their responsibility upon the legislative or the judicial department, and referring matters repeatedly to distant local officials, is proved by reports of British ministers from 1825 to 1845 (e.g. [13]Ward, no. 143, 1826; [13]Ashburnham, no. 59, 1837; [13]Pakenham, no. 96, 1841; [13]Bankhead, nos. 5, 12, 1844). Once at least money was borrowed by hypothecating a fund which the government did not possess (Trigueros in [52]Mayer, Dec. 9, 1842). Mortgaged revenues were spent at will ([52]Zavala to Deputies, Apr. 23, 1829; Bankhead, no. 103, 1844; see also [52]Mayer, Dec. 9, 1842). Definite arrangements made with foreign representatives were secretly circumvented (Pakenham, no. 23, 1837; Ashburnham, no. 15, 1838). The Cabinet showed itself capable of breaking a direct promise and even a definite contract (Pakenham, nos. 9, 1843; 44, 1839; Bankhead, no. 86, 1845). The highest authorities were untruthful in word, writing, and print (Pakenham, sep. and confid., Mar. 27, 1828; Id., nos. 32, 1833; 98, 1841; 9, 1843; Bankhead, nos. 12, 1844; 98, 1846. See also Poinsett, no 24, 1825); and they did not scruple to utter injurious calumnies against friendly nations (Pakenham, no. 98, 1841).
Changes of system appeared to make little difference, for these were national characteristics. The most honorable administration of this entire period broke a direct and solemn pledge given to the French minister (Bankhead, no. 86, 1845; see also [56]W. S. Parrott, Sept. 4, 1845); and the best journal of the country, El Siglo XIX, told only the truth when it said, December 2, 1845, “All our governments have been dishonest,” adding that dishonest methods had been practiced “not only from necessity but from favoritism and for speculative reasons.” It should, of course, be remembered that carelessness about truth, justice and honesty was the shady side of Mexican amiability, and that other nations are not faultless.
[3.] For an account of Poinsett’s mission and very numerous citations bearing upon the subject one may refer to a paper by J. H. Smith in the Proceedings of the Amer. Antiquarian Soc., Apr., 1914. [52]Poinsett, Contestación. Gamboa, Representación. Causas para Declarar. (Concessions, etc.) Ho. 351; 25, 2, p. 285 (Poinsett). One would suppose that the prompt recognition of Mexico by the United States, our efforts to induce Spain to recognize her (e.g. Amer. State Papers, 2 series, vol. vi, 1006; Ho. 351; 25, 2, pp. 118 (McLane), 119 (Van Ness), 147, 150 (Forsyth); [77]Livingston to Montoya, Oct. 1, 1831), and the “Monroe Doctrine” would have earned us gratitude. But these were attributed very generally to a desire on the part of this country to monopolize the western hemisphere (Diario, June 17, 18, 1846), and were offset by our opposition to the cherished Mexican scheme of driving the Spanish from Cuba and by our proposing to have the retention of Havana guaranteed to Spain (see particularly Ward, no. 53, secret and confid., May 29, 1826). Denunciations of Poinsett: e.g. Bravo, Manifiesto, 1828; Sol, Jan. 4, 1830; [261]Mémoire; La Ruina de los Mexicanos; Bocanegra, Mems., i, 379, 382, 390; Pakenham, no. 152, 1828; [11]Martin, July 26, 1827; 11Cochelet, Aug. 7, 1829; N. Orl. Delta, July 9, 1847. Pakenham (no. 74, Aug. 26, 1829) reported that owing to Poinsett’s course and the fact that his government kept him in Mexico, the feeling toward the United States was one of “jealousy, suspicion, and dislike.” The prevailing belief was that the United States, fearing Mexican competition, sent him there to paralyze Mexico by exciting dissension (Poinsett, no. 94, July 8, 1827; [52]state dept. to Butler, Apr. 1, 1830; Diario, Apr. 17, 1847).
[4.] Poinsett was attacked by the states of Puebla (Pakenham, no. 98, 1829), Vera Cruz (Manifiesto, 1827), México (Preamble and resolution, 1829), and Querétaro (Pakenham, no. 73, 1827). [296]Poinsett to Pres., June 8, 1827. (Protest) [52]Clay to Poinsett, no. 25, Nov. 19, 1827. (Failure, attitude) Van Buren to Butler, Oct. 16, 1829 (P. S., Oct. 17). (Sinister, pointedly) Van Buren to Poinsett, Oct. 16, 1829. (No charges) Van B. to P. and to B. (P. S., Oct. 17), Oct. 16, 1829; Bocanegra, Mems., ii, 18–20; [77]Montoya, no. 30, Dec. 10, 1829; [296]Zavala to Poinsett, June 16, 1827. Poinsett was secretary of war under Van Buren. So. Qtrly. Rev., Nov., 1850, 429. Nueva Conspiración.