Ashbel Smith, in general a much better witness, stated that agents of Polk endeavored to have the militia sent against Mexico so as to bring on a war (Remins., 66–7); but as he was in Europe at the time he had no personal knowledge regarding the matter, and he also was opposed to annexation.
Evidence of Polk’s alleged desire to provoke a war may be seen by some in the language of the Union, his organ at Washington, which declared blatantly that the Rio Grande was the boundary of the United States, and that Mexico would invite ruin, should her troops cross it (May 1; September 11, 13, 1845, etc.). But (1) the government had reason to believe that we had been too mild toward Mexico, and may have wished to suggest to her the danger of being rash; (2) the purpose may have been to satisfy the many Americans who complained that our national authorities lacked spirit; (3) as Polk was officially offering Mexico the olive branch at this time, the bellicose utterances of the Union, which was not recognized by the administration as its organ, could not have been regarded by the Mexican government as evidence that he desired a war, but only at most as a suggestion of what might follow should the olive branch be rejected. From this point of view they would seem to have tended toward peace rather than war (cf. his policy of having Taylor and Conner assume bold attitudes—chap. vii, [p. 152]).
[23.] The author’s estimate of Polk is based upon a study of his conduct and all the documents relating to him. One may consult to advantage the Welles papers; Schouler, Hist. Briefs, 124, 129, 132; Poore, Perley’s Remins., i, 328–9; Howe, Bancroft, i, 294; Claiborne, Quitman, i, 228; Jenkins, Polk, 330; McLaughlin, Introd. to Polk’s Diary; Meigs, Ingersoll, 273–4; Id., Benton, 382; Reeves on Polk’s Diary in Polit. Science Review, 1911, 288. [297]H. M. Field to Mrs. Polk, Mar. 30, 1889 (Bancroft told me yesterday that Polk was abler than any member of his Cabinet). Benton, View, ii, 680. (Toombs) Phillips, Toombs, 37. Though Polk seems personally destitute of humor, he had known how to make an effective use of it on the stump. It must not be forgotten that he had served fourteen years in the national House and been Speaker twice. (Fidelity) Polk, Diary, Aug. 14, 1848 (I had not been three miles from the White House since July, 1847).
[24.] (Discussions) E.g. Smith, Annex. of Texas, p. 264, note (Benton). [351]Webster to son, Mar. 11, 1845. (Writhings) The reference is to Polk’s anxious and unfriendly expressions about Scott and Taylor, which grew largely out of political considerations. See chap. ix, [pp. 199–200].
[25.] [297]Polk to Haywood, Aug. 9, 1845, confid. [297]Buchanan to McLane, Sept. 13, 1845.
[26.] [48]To Conner, Mar. 29; July 11; Aug. 16. [48]To Sloat, Mar. 21; June 24. [48]To Id., Aug. 30 (orders to “preserve peace if possible”). The despatch of June 24 to Sloat said further: You and every part of your squadron “should be assiduously careful to avoid any act which could be construed as an act of aggression.” Dec. 5, 1845, Sloat was notified that “our relations with Mexico are becoming more friendly.” The instructions to Sloat about occupying San Francisco were made contingent on Mexican action, indicating that an American declaration of war was not even contemplated. [52]To Donelson, June 3. (Frémont) Benton, View, ii, 579. Mrs. Frémont, with the approval of her father, Senator Benton, held back the order (ibid.). Richardson, Messages, iv, 427–8. The Washington correspondent of the N. Y. Sun wrote: “It is the opinion of those best qualified to judge, though not my own, that the President did not seek or wish the war with Mexico” (Sun, June 4, 1846).
[27.] Republican, Aug. 19. Picayune, Aug. 27. Globe, Aug. 25. Courier in Picayune, Aug. 27.
[28.] (Scale) Polk, Diary, Sept. 30, 1845. Sen. 1; 29, 1, pp. 209 (Scott); 649 (Bancroft). Howe, Bancroft, i, 289. (Navy unprepared) Conner, Home Squadron, 9–10.
[29.] [56]W. S. Parrott to Buchanan, June 29, 1845. The correspondence between Buchanan and Slidell contains, to be sure, expressions indicating a design to influence public opinion in the United States. January 20, 1846, the minister was directed to conduct himself “with such wisdom and firmness in the crisis” that the voice of the American people would be “unanimous in favor of redressing the wrongs of our much injured and long suffering claimants” (Buchanan, no. 5). But as Herrera had now refused to receive Slidell and a peaceful settlement had become extremely improbable, this was obviously a wise and proper injunction, and by no means implied that a rupture had been desired. No one who goes open-mindedly through the documents can accept the fine-spun theory that Polk knew Slidell would not be received, and sent him in order to make a show of pacific intentions and obtain a pretext for war. He already had better grounds for war; and had he been determined to fight, he would have been extremely foolish to offer his intended victim an opportunity to restore friendly relations, for undeniably it was quite possible—from the American point of view, considering the comparative weakness of Mexico, far more than possible—that she would seize upon it. Polk, Diary, Mar. 28–30; Apr. 3. American (Whig) Review, 1847, p. 325. Slidell, no. 13, Apr. 2. Id., Apr. 9 (Curtis, Buchanan, i, 599).
[30.] Examiner, June 13. Ho. 158; 28, 2, p. 3 (Upshur). [13]Ashburnham to Backhouse, July 6, 1838. Santangelo, Address, 31: “Have a number of American citizens been unjustly injured by Mexico in their persons and property, or not? Have our government and nation been gratuitously outraged by Mexico, or not?”