[10.] Taylor’s and Ampudia’s operations, Sept. 20–3; Worth’s, Sept. 23. Ho. 4; 29, 2, pp. 76–109 (reports of Taylor and officers). Ho. 17; 30, 1 (reports of officers). [169]Taylor to Crittenden, Oct. 9, 1846; Jan. 26, 1847. [190]Ewing, diary. [218]Henshaw narrative. Coleman, Crittenden, i, 309. Claiborne, Quitman, ii, 303–7. [221]Hill, diary. Numerous reports and letters in [174] and [176]. Smith, Chile con Carne, 82–97. Thorpe, Our Army at Monterey, 55, 59. Ampudia, Manifiesto. Id. to Fellow-citizens. Robertson, Reminiscences, 136–50. [61]Graham to Polk, April —, [1847]. [61]Quitman to Hamer, Sept. 28. [69]Capt. Vinton to Worth, Aug. 19. Taylor, gen. orders 115. [69]Worth to Bliss, Sept. 23, 11 p.m. [69]Trowbridge to Stewart, Feb. 8, 1848. French, Two Wars, 62, 64–6. [66]Mansfield to Totten, Feb. 1, 1847. [69]Backus to Brady, Sept. 22, 1848. [147]Chamberlain, diary. [148]Id., recolls. Balbontín, Invasión, 24, 27–35, 40–3. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 72. Apuntes, 53, 60–4. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 419 (Worth), 424 (Taylor). Roberts, diary. Hist. Mag., Jan., 1874, pp. 8–9. Picayune, Oct. 23; Nov. 4, 13. Meade, Letters, i, 134–5, 137–8, 163–5. [185]Duncan to Worth, Sept. 28. [242]Kingsbury to mother, Oct. 14. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 29, 30. Stevens, Camps., 23–9. [73]Bermúdez de Castro, no. 371, res., 1846. Hist. Mag., x, 207–13, 255–7. Johnston, A. S. Johnston, 136–40. J. Davis: note 2. Pennsylvanian, Nov. 2 (Peyton). Wash. Union, Nov. 20, 1846; Mar. 2, 1847. Balt. Sun, Nov. 6. Monitor Repub., Nov. 15. Spirit of the Times, Nov. 7, 28, 1846; Jan. 9, 1847. [245]Wood to Henderson, Sept. 24. [245]Hays to Id., undated. Niles, Nov. 28, p. 201. [244]Chandler to Lakin, Nov. 23. [175]Russell, to Davis, Sept. 26; Oct. 18. [175]Cooper to Davis, Sept. —. Wilcox, Mex. War, 119. Kenly, Md. Vol., 77, 107–27, etc. [139]W. B. to D. Campbell, Sept. 28; Nov. 2, 9, 1846; Feb. 19, 1847. Henry, Camp. Sketches, 193–201, 203–4, 206–12, 221. [130]Brichta, Letter. Nebel and Kendall, 7–10. [139]Campbell to Quitman, Sept. 27; to wife, Oct. 1. [150]Cheatham to son, Oct. 6; to sister, Oct. 16. [277]P. F. Smith to Pemberton, Sept. 27. Reid, Scouting Expeds., 108, 152, 170, 173, 190. [76]Ampudia, Sept. 22, 25. [76]Id. to comte. gen. S. L. P., Sept. 28. [76]Head of Ampudia’s medical service, Sept. 24. The author of the verse was C. F. Hoffman. Remarks. Taylor’s lack of interest in studying the topography and fortifications is illustrated by the fact that Butler, second in command, does not seem to have been shown the map drawn by Meade from information obtained by Worth, though Taylor certainly saw it (Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, ii, 283). Butler stated officially that when he attacked the city he knew nothing about the locality. Capt. Henry said Garland’s charge was made in “utter ignorance” regarding it (Camp. Sketches, 194). It has been said that Taylor lacked entrenching tools; but he had tools for building roads, planting the mortar and howitzers, and erecting new defences at the Tenería redoubt. Stevens (Campaigns, 29) undertook to defend Taylor’s operations on Sept. 21 by saying that the ardor of Garland’s men brought them into action before Mansfield’s reconnaissance had been completed; but (1) Garland was virtually instructed to follow Mansfield’s directions and did so, and (2) Oct. 24 Taylor said he would have pursued the same course, had he known all that he learned later about the situation—i.e. Garland executed Taylor’s ideas and wishes ([61]Graham to Polk, Apr. —, [1847]). Waiting for a fuller reconnaissance, therefore, would have consumed time without giving any advantage. It follows, too, from this statement of Taylor’s that he would not have excused Mansfield, had Mansfield instructed Garland not to charge. Taylor did not recommend a brevet for Garland. This was an implied censure. Capt. G. M. Graham of Garland’s command therefore addressed a letter to Polk, giving a full account of Garland’s proceedings. This letter was presented to Polk by Gen. George Gibson, who gave the writer “a high character.” It may be added, that it was impossible for Mansfield to make a complete reconnaissance under the circumstances. He would not have lived to finish it.
The Fourth Infantry, having been detached to cover the battery, was not in Garland’s charge. The mortar does not seem to have been effective on Sept. 21 (Giddings, Sketches, 202); had it been so, it would not have been put out of commission for a considerable time by being sent to Worth, who does not seem to have asked for it. It appears to have been used by Taylor only twenty minutes, which suggests that its inefficiency was speedily discovered. Had the cause been merely the lack of a platform (Ripley, War with Mexico, i, 206), it could have been removed. There was timber enough at Walnut Grove. The statements regarding the number of guns in Tenería redoubt cannot be wholly reconciled. This may arise from the fact that not all the pieces could be used. The statement in the text seems to be safe.
The author feels some scepticism about the doings of Backus. No unanimity prevailed then about him. He is rather too precise in his own statement. He says (Historical Magazine, x, 255) that the distance from the building he occupied to the tannery was found to be 117–3/4 yards. One can hardly understand how so exact a measurement can have been made in such a locality. The distance from his position to Tenería redoubt was considerably more than this. Henry estimated it at 130 yards (Campaign Sketches, 195). Muskets were not reliable at this distance. His claims were not accepted by all at the time. Still, many believed that he contributed materially to the capture of the redoubt. After the capture of this redoubt Col. Davis undertook to storm El Diablo, but was recalled. There was a sharp clash between Taylor and Butler in the course of the operations, Sept. 21. Taylor should, of course, have kept out of the street fighting (Griepenkerl, Applied Tactics, 187). There was sufficient demand for head work at that time to absorb his full attention. It was stated that after the repulse of the Americans, Sept. 21, Mejía asked to have both infantry and cavalry charge them. Had this been done the results might have been very serious.
The American artillery when in the town was handled as cautiously as possible. For example, a gun would be loaded and leveled behind a corner, drawn out by ropes, fired, and drawn back by the ropes (French, Two Wars, 66). Yet even in a case of this kind four out of the five gunners were killed. Taylor does not mention the presence of the Fourth Infantry, Sept. 23, but U. S. Grant does (Mems., i, 115–6); and as he belonged to that corps, it seems hardly possible that he was mistaken. It had been so much reduced the day before, that perhaps Taylor did not think it worth mention. According to Taylor’s report the reason for withdrawing his men from the city on the afternoon of Sept. 23 was to prepare for a general assault. But considerable time would have been necessary to do this in concert with Worth, and it is hard to see why they were withdrawn under fire when they were doing good work in safety, and night was not far distant. Apparently the best way to arrange for such concerted operations would have been to leave these troops where they were, and open a line of communication through the northern part of the city (Ripley, op. cit., i, 264). The rumors that Mexican forces were approaching by the Saltillo road were correct, but Ampudia sent them an order to retire. They were not strong enough to accomplish anything.
When Worth attacked the city, Sept. 23, his right-hand column, headed by Texan riflemen, dismounted, under Col. Hays, took the Calle de Monterey; the left-hand column, headed by similar troops under Lieut. Col. Walker, took the Calle de Itúrbide. Besides the Texans and the field batteries, the Seventh and Eighth Infantry and the Artillery Battalion joined in the attack. The detachment that had been sent up the Saltillo road was recalled and acted as a reserve. The American shells thrown during the night of Sept. 23 seem to have injured nothing except Ampudia’s courage. Purísima Bridge was about 2300 feet from the cathedral.
It is probably true that Taylor’s operations at the eastern end of the town and the disregard of life exhibited by his troops tended to dismay Ampudia. But Taylor had no reason to suppose that operations so badly planned, so ineffective and so costly would have that effect; they were wasteful; and they demoralized his own men. The Mexicans fought in most cases with a courage and tenacity deserving of high praise (Henry, Camp. Sketches, 209). So far as one can see, nothing saved Taylor from a disaster that would have meant the ruin of his army but the poltroonery of one man, Ampudia; and as we have remarked, he had no reason to expect that. The head of Ampudia’s medical service reported, Sept. 24, that only sixty privates had been seriously wounded.
[11.] Ho. 4; 29, 2, p. 78 (Taylor). [364]Worth to S., Oct. 2. García, Revolución, 16. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 262–9. Ampudia, Manifiesto. Apuntes, 64. [13]Pakenham, no. 122, 1846. Balbontín, Invasión, 50–2. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 348 (Ampudia), 348 (Taylor), 349 (terms). [76]Ampudia, Sept. 29. Nat. Intelligencer, Oct. 26; Nov. 7. Wash. Union, Jan. 18 (Ampudia); Feb. 18, 1847. Niles, Nov. 28, p. 197. Epoca, Feb. 9, 1847 (Ampudia). Observador Zacatecano, Dec. 27, 1846, supplement (Requena). Diario, Oct. 2 (Ampudia). Republicano, May 28, 1847.
Worth’s cannon were prevented by a fog from opening fire early Thursday morning. Worth’s [364]reasons, as explained privately to a friend, for giving liberal terms were: (1) Owing to the feelings of the Texans and resentment occasioned by the American losses in the battle, an assault would have been attended with the slaughter of many women; (2) The numbers and the position of the Mexicans rendered them formidable; (3) “Neither myself nor many others had the slightest confidence in the intelligence that directed” the American operations; (4) Our government wanted peace. The Mexicans were allowed twenty-one rounds for their battery.
The principal excuses alleged by Ampudia for surrendering were the failure to injure the Americans on their march, the lack of the Fourth Brigade, a want of funds, provisions and artillery ammunition, the inefficiency and cowardice of a part of his army, the hostility of the superior officers, and their failure to support him. According to a Mexican letter from S. Luis Potosí dated October 3, 1846, the loss of the city was attributed wholly to his cowardice. A number of his chief officers appear to have been no more courageous than he, but the decision did not rest with them. Perhaps he thought it necessary to save the one veteran army of Mexico, but a successful or even heroic defence of Monterey would have probably been more beneficial to his cause. There were provisions enough and a large stock of ammunition; but we are not sure that his supply of artillery ammunition was adequate. The commission consisted of Worth, Henderson, J. Davis, Requena, Ortega, Llano. The Mexicans actually carried away three 12-pounders and three 8-pounders (Requena). The British minister at Washington reported: The armistice seems to be “in direct opposition to the rule laid down in Mr. Buchanan’s letter to Commodore Conner of the 27th July” [Sen. 107; 29, 2, p. 3], by which it was determined that no armistice should be agreed to until a treaty of peace should have been actually concluded ([13]Pakenham, no. 122, Oct. 16, 1846). San Fernando de Presas was east of Linares near the Gulf. See note 12.
[12.] Polk, Diary, Oct. 11, 12. Ho. 4; 29, 2, pp. 79 (Taylor), 106 (Worth). (Instructions) Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 323, 333, 355 (Marcy). Henshaw narrative. Nunelee, diary. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 62. [364]Worth to S., Oct. 2. Meade, Letters, i, 138. Taylor, Letter to Gaines. Pennsylvanian, Nov. 2 (Peyton). [139]W. B. to D. Campbell, Nov. 2. Robertson, Remins., 157. [13]Pakenham, no. 127, 1846 (Taylor’s ammunition would not have lasted many hours longer). Cong. Globe, 29, 2, p. 316 (Clayton).