We are now trying to outgrow the old view of war and the analogous view of commercial and industrial competition, but in 1846 these had not become practical issues. This paragraph is to be understood in a broad, large way, of course. The London Chronicle said: In our colonies we fine owners who in a certain number of years do not develop their lands, and this fine is preparatory to ejectment; “The Americans have acted on this principle after a kind of public lynch-law” (Aug. 13, 1845). (Its direct reference was to the annexation of Texas, but the principle applied to the war with Mexico.) Rives argues that the war was “begun for the purpose of acquiring territory” in payment of our claims, and that therefore its morality was questionable (U. S. and Mexico, ii, 657–8). But (1) the territory was wanted in payment of what was justly due us, and therefore we could rightfully collect, and that Mexico could pay us only in land was not our fault; (2) the war was not entered into by us for the purpose of obtaining territory; and (3) it was not “begun” by the United States.
[22.] (Humboldt) [181]Donelson to Buchanan, Sept. 18, 1846. Royce, Calif., 51. Lieber: [note 21]. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 269–72. (Nation) Chap. vi, [note 11]; Cong. Globe, 29, 2, p. 387 (Giles); Polk, Diary, Dec. 19, 1846; Jan. 23, 1847; [1]Senator Allen in secret session, Aug. 6, 1846; Curtis, Buchanan, i, 609; Howe, Bancroft, i, 286. Public Ledger, June 15, 1849 (Dallas). Welles, Study. (Bryce) This quotation is taken from a writer of good standing. The present author has not been able to find the passage, but presumes it was correctly quoted. Davis, Autobiog., 291–2.
July 6, 1848, Polk informed Congress that we had more than 700 whaling ships in the Pacific, representing not less than $40,000,000, and employing fully 20,000 seamen, and that owing to the acquisition of California we were less than thirty days from Canton. These facts explain how important that acquisition was, and how serious it would have seemed to let a European power make it.
[23.] Ramírez, México, 319. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849, p. 8. (Obstacle) Vol. ii, p. 234. (Invited) Scott, Mems., ii, 581–2. (Trist) [335]Thornton to Trist, May 26, 1848. [52]Walsh, Nov. 10, 1848. (Europe) J. H. Smith in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceeds., June, 1914, p. 462; Howe, Bancroft, ii, 5; [108]Bancroft to Greene, Nov. 3, 1847; [108]Id.to Polk, Jan. 19, 1847; Bennett, Mems., 386. (Harmony) Richardson, Messages, iv, 587, 631; [132]McLane to Buchanan, June 18, 1846; Wash. Union, Nov. 3, 1846; N. Y. Herald, July 25, 1846; Cong. Globe, 29, 2, app., 125.
The war helped to save Mexican nationality because (1) it was to some extent a national issue; (2) it cut off the parts most likely to set the example of secession; (3) contact with the Americans convinced the people of Tamaulipas, N. León, etc., that they could not hold their own in competition with our citizens; (4) the Mexicans received a stern lesson in political wisdom, which was taken to heart for a time, and had some permanent effect; and (5) the money that we paid strengthened the Mexican government. The war helped the liberals, for it demonstrated our superiority.
[24.] Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 635. Ceballos, Capítulos, 123. London Times, Nov. 13, 1847. Lee, Gen. Lee, 43. Parker, Sermon. Cong. Globe, 30, 1, p. 499. Webster, Writings, x, 9. For Scott’s treatment of prisoners see, e.g., Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1055–9.
APPENDIX—THE SOURCES
A. MANUSCRIPT AND PERSONAL SOURCES
As a number of the owners or holders of MSS. (whose names are preceded below by colons) did not desire to receive applications for the use of their papers, it has been thought best to omit all addresses.