The Life of Philip Melanchthon

by Karl Friedrich Ledderhose

First—1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we become pious and righteous before God. 3. How all men are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is. 5. How we attain God's Grace. 6. How preaching is necessary towards Justification. 7. How Faith must produce good fruits and works. 8. What the general Christian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efficacious, even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Baptism, against the Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holy Sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are assured and may be certain that God, for Christ's sake, will be gracious, kind and merciful to us, and do us good in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers of the Church. 15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they are not to be observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of human laws and order. 17. That Christ will come at the last day, to judge the quick and the dead, to give everlasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that we have a free will to be pious outwardly, but not before God. 19. That sin comes from the perverted will of the devil and wicked men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this is true Faith, that we are heartily assured of every good, Grace and help from God, for Christ's sake, and that Faith without Works, such as God has commanded, is dead. And 21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we should expect all good from God, as the saints did, and that we should imitate their faith and love, but call upon God alone.

Then, in the second part, follow the disputed articles: first, 22. Of the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distribute them to all. 23. Of mass, how it is observed among us, and why we have rejected secret masses. 24. Of priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of cloister vows. 26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of confession. 28. Of the power of the Bishops, and the difference between the spiritual and temporal sword. These twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple, scriptural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could withhold its approbation from them. It is impossible to say what impression they made upon the Emperor. It is well known that he was not very well acquainted with the German language. Besides this, he no doubt had previously also decided upon the course he would take. When the two copies were being handed to his secretary, he graciously took them into his own hands. He gave the German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself, and caused it to be translated into Italian and French for himself. He intimated to the Lutherans, that he would consider the matter further, but expected that they would not print the Confession. However, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so that the Lutherans were forced to publish the correct Confession.

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of God's hand, ruled the Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why do we make God a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim; just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already, June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says: "At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head, in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the Papists? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command, and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner. God has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly needed such a mode of address more and more.

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men, whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon." Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil, he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword. If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to strike a decisive blow in the beginning.

With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without knowing his true character, entered into negotiations. After an humble letter, Campegius sent for the writer. Let us hear Veit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and eulogist, relate the particulars of the interview: "The day after, when the whole company was assembled, Philip was summoned, who enters with a firm mind. He saw himself surrounded by a circle of serpents and devils, and like the prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale. Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible lightnings of his highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others vehemently threaten the poor and small flock of the helpless sheep of Christ with the power and force of so many kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether they would yield, he replied: "We cannot yield nor forsake the truth. But we pray for God's and Christ's sake that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and will dispute with us, as they are able, i. e., will yield that to us which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When Campegius heard this, he shrieked: "I cannot, I cannot, because the key does not err." To this thundering, although Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of lions, wolves, and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without punishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little body, he now boldly replied: "We commend our cause to the Lord God. If God be for us, who can be against us? And finally, come what will, we must abide by our fortune or misfortune."

Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this, especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon, on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in religion is to be thought of."

While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were busily engaged with the task laid upon them by the Emperor, in refuting the Confession of the Protestants. He had recommended moderation to them, when the first draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, Faber, Wimpina, Cochlæus, and others. The last one composed it. What good thing could be expected of these men? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to Camerarius: "I hear that their refutation is finished, and will make its appearance in two or three days. It is said that the Emperor will order all things to remain as they were, until these disputes shall be examined in a Council. This is to be the end of the deliberations. And if this decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what troubles will be the consequence." At last, after having awaited it for a long time, the princes and electors were summoned, on the 3d of August, to hear the Confutation of the Augsburg Confession. This document follows the same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines in 21 articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. Although it acknowledged many things in doctrine, as agreeing with the Catholic church, it did not depart in the slightest degree from Roman principles, and strictly adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption; and in the article of Good Works, it maintained that the good works which are performed by the help of Divine grace, are meritorious. It also refuses to allow that faith alone justifies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon satisfaction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes all human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds fault with the Lutherans, because they deny that we can by our works earn forgiveness of sins, and also because they reject the adoration of the saints. It is not willing to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position with the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the priests and monks, and maintains the mass, with all its antiscriptural characteristics. In short, it will not cast aside any abuses. The Emperor really regarded this untenable production as a refutation of the Confession of the Protestants; and gave these to understand that it was his will that they should compromise matters with the other Christian states, and should not separate themselves from the general Christian church. If this should not take place, which the Emperor did not expect, he should act as it became him, as the guardian and protector of the Holy Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Melanchthon speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 6th: "This was the sum and substance of it, which, although it seemed very harsh, yet, as the Confutation was executed in a very childish manner, our friends became quite cheerful after it was read; for this Confutation is the paragon of all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. In speaking of the two kinds, he referred to the history of the sons of Eli, that they would ask the priests for a piece of bread, and proved from this that laymen should only receive the bread. The mass has been defended by particularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a copy of the Confutation after it had been read, but could not obtain it. Even if the Emperor had now been inclined to act severely, a quarrel arose in the midst of the Catholic camp, because they could not agree among themselves in regard to the steps that should now be taken.

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops assembled to agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector Joachim, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away with by the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds—marriage of the priests, and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states declared that they did not intend to retreat from the word of God, although they were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the Papists wish to remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the Sacraments according to Christ's institution, why then you shall not yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle philosopher, Philip!"

Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and therefore he could no longer contain himself in Augsburg, but suddenly and unexpectedly to all, left the city August 6. This excited great attention; however, the proposed plan to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee of fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians Melanchthon, Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, Wimpina, and Cochlæus, was not prevented by it. They met together from the 16th of August until the 21st. On motion of Chancellor Vehus of Baden, the Augsburg Confession was examined, article after article. They agreed in many articles, but in Justification Eck would not admit that we are justified by faith alone, for that would make rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies more than Faith. Because he did not like the word sola, which means "alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism: "Let us for the present send the soles to the cobbler." However, he found Melanchthon a man who stood immovable in the main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew somewhat passionate, the princes present entreated them to maintain peace.

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two kinds, the marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 points on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end; for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."