Footnotes

[1.]II. 11.[2.]Herod. I. 65. Concerning the expression κόσμος, with regard to the constitution of Sparta, see also Clearchus ap. Athen. XV. p. 681 C.[3.]Pausan. III. 16. 5. See above, vol. I. p. 69, note g.[4.]That is, of the Pythagorean philosophy. See below, [ch. 9. § 16].[5.]Thucyd. II. 11. cf. I. 70. 71. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &c.[6.]Plat. Protag. p. 342 C. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 252. and particularly Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. The Spartans were ἐνδημότατοι, according to Thucyd. I. 70. See below, [ch. 11. § 7].[7.]From Thucyd. I. 144. compared with Plutarch's Life of Agis, it may be seen that the ξενηλασία was only practised against tribes of different usages, particularly Athenians and Ionians. See Valer. Max. II. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gymnopædia (Plut. Ages. 29. cf. Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. I. 2. 61.) and other festivals, Sparta was full of foreigners, Cragius de Rep. Lac. III. p. 213. Poets, such as Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphæus of Cydonia, Theognis (who celebrates his hospitable reception in the ἀγλαὸν ἄστυ, v. 785.); philosophers, such as Pherecydes and Anaximander and Anacharsis the Scythian, were willingly admitted; other classes of persons were excluded. Thus there were regulations concerning persons, and the time of admitting foreigners: and hence the earlier writers, such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle, always speak of ξενηλασίαι in the plural number. (Compare Plut. Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut. Lyc. 27. who refers to Thuc. II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013. and the Scholiast (from Theopompus), and Schol. Pac. 622. Suid. in διειρωνόξενοι and ξενηλατεῖν, who, as usual, has copied from the Scholiast to Aristophanes, that the Xenelasia was introduced ποτὲ ΣΠΟΔΙΑΣ γενομένης, for which we should clearly write ΣΙΤΟΔΕΙΑΣ. Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp. de la Nauze Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159. It may be added that the numerous ξενίαι and προξενίαι, the hospitable connexions of states and individuals, served to alleviate the harshness of the institution. Thus the Lacedæmonians were connected with the Pisistratidæ (vol. I. p. 188, note c), and with the family of Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39); Endius with Clinias, the father of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6); king Archidamus with Pericles (ib. II. 13); Xenias the Elean with king Agis, the son of Archidamus, and the state of Sparta. (Paus. III. 8. 2.) See [B. III. ch. 6. § 7], and vol. I. p. 209, n. z. The exchange of names, occasioned by προξενίαι, might be made the subject of a distinct investigation. See the note last cited, and Paus. III. 6. 41. Moreover the Spartans sometimes gave freedom from custom duties, and the privilege of occupying a seat of honour at the games at Sparta, to strangers, even of Athenian race; for example, to the Deceleans, according to Herod. IX. 73.[8.]p. 100. ed. Frank.[9.]See Naeke's Chœrilus, p. 74.[10.]Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel. Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes, Etym. in ἀσελγαίνειν and Ἐλεγηΐς. Concerning the effeminacy of the Codridæ, see Heraclid. Pont. I.[11.]ἄριστοι, ἀριστεῖς, ἄνακτες, βασιλεῖς, ἐπικρατέοντες, κοιρανέοντες.[12.]On the Gerontes, see below, [ch. 6. § 1-4].[13.]We should particularly observe the assembly in the second book of the Odyssey, in which, however, Mentor (v. 239.) wishes to bring about a declaration of the people not strictly constitutional. But that the Homeric Ἀγορὰ independently exercised the rights of government, I cannot allow to Platner, De Notione Juris apud Homerum, p. 108. and Tittmann Griechischen Staatsverfassungen, p. 63. It was a species of Wittenagemote, in which none but the thanes had the right of voting, as among the Saxons in England. The people composed a concio, but no comitia. My opinion more nearly coincides with that of Wachsmuth, Jus Gentium apud Græcos, p. 18, sq.[14.]Æginetica, p. 133.[15.]Χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνὴρ, Pindar. Isth. II. 11. See Dissen Explic. p. 493. Alcæus ap. Schol. et Zeeob. Prov.[16.]V. 190.[17.]Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. 7, 10.[18.]See Hüllmann, Staatsrecht, p. 103.[19.]Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The emendation Πλοῦτις is confirmed by the comparison of Athenæus XII. p. 524 A.B.[20.]See book I. ch. 8.[21.]See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4. Panætius of Leontini was a demagogue in a previously oligarchical state, of which the constitution was similar to that of the Hippobotæ. See Polyænus V. 47.[22.]Herod. VI. 43.—Pindar (Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three constitutions, Tyranny, Dominion of the unrestrained Multitude, and Government of the Wise.[23.]Aristot. Pol. V. 4.[24.]Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3. 6. with Schneider's notes.[25.]VI. 46.[26.]Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4. According to Livy XXXVIII. 34. 700 years up to 190 B.C. Cicero pro Flacco 26. also reckons 700 years, but to a different period.[27.]Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C.[28.]Thus Schiller severely censures this lawgiver, for having so selfishly for ever destined his people to that course, which appeared to his own narrow and prejudiced mind to be the best.[29.]Θεοδμάτῳ σὺν ἐλευθερίᾳ Ὕλλίδος στάθμας Ἱέρων ἐν νόμοις ἔκτισσ᾽; ἐθέλοντι δὲ Παμφύλου καὶ μὰν Ἡρακλειδᾶν ἔκγονοι ὄχθαις ὕπο Ταυγέτου ναίοντες αἰεὶ μένειν τεθμοῖσιν ἐν Αἰγιμίου Δωρίοις. Pyth. I. 61. see Boeckh's Explic.[30.]Plutarch. Comp. Timol. 2. Dion. 53. Λακωνικὸν σχῆμα—κοσμεῖν. He was himself a citizen of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17. 49.[31.]Yet Herodotus cannot have been acquainted with his work, since he considered himself as the first writer on the subject, Herod. VI. 55.[32.]Strabo VIII. p. 366. On the other hand, Ephorus is probably alluded to by Heraclides Ponticus 2. when he says τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτειαν ΤΙΝΕΣ Λυκούργῳ προσάπτουσι πᾶσαν.[33.]I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10. 3. also calls the kings of Sparta before Lycurgus tyrants. On the other hand, Strabo VIII. p. 365. states, that “the conquerors of Laconia were from the beginning a nation subject to legal and moral restraints; but when they had intrusted the regulation of their government to Lycurgus, they so far excelled all others, that alone among the Greeks they ruled by land and sea.” That this is the meaning of the passage, is proved by the word καὶ in the clause καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐσωφρόνουν. Isocrates de Pace, p. 178 C. also contradicts indirectly the supposed anarchy of the Spartans. But in Panath. p. 270 A. he follows Thucydides I. 18. στασιάσαι φασὶν αὐτοὺς οἱ τὰ ἐκείνων ἀκριβοῦντες ὡς οὐδένας ἄλλους τῶν Ἑλλήνων.[34.]B. I. ch. 7 § 3, 5.[35.]Herod. I. 65 Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Plut. Lycurg. 31. Nicol. Damasc. p. 449.[36.]B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp. b. II. ch. 2. § 2.[37.]According to Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 1. The meaning of this writer appears to be, that the Dorians had received these laws from the early inhabitants, as the Periœci had retained them most truly; but from the account given in the text, we must reject that idea.[38.]Plat. Leg. III. p. 685.[39.]This statement appears more correct than of Gortyna or Cnosus. Comp. Meursius, Creta, IV. 12.[40.]See Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 5. Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog. Laërt. I. 38. Plut. Lyc. 3. Philos. cum princ. 4. p. 88. Pausan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir. adv. Math. p. 68 B. Suid. vol. II. p. 163. Compare b. II. ch. 8. § 11.[41.]Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5. According to whom Lycurgus asked the god, εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη τῇ Σπάρτῃ—doubtless a regular formula. This coincides with the dictum of the Pythian priestess in Plut. Quæst. Rom. 28. p. 329.[42.]See below, [ch. 5. § 8].[43.]B. II. ch. 7. § 4. Later historians, from a mistaken explanation, suppose that the whole correspondence was a delusion, or a fraud of Lycurgus, Polyæn. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3.[44.]Called in the Lacedæmonian dialect Ποίθιοι, Photius in v.[45.]That this could not always be said of the θεοπρόποι, may be seen from Theognis, v. 783.[46.]This, I infer, nearly agreeing with Cragius, from Cicero de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI. 57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15.[47.]See particularly Timæus Lex. Plat. in v. ἐξηγηταὶ Πυθόχρηστοι.[48.]See Æginetica, p. 135. Compare Dissen Expl. Pind. Nem. III. p. 376. In the Thearion at Trœzen there were expiatory sacrifices, book II. ch. 2. § 8. In Thasos they were called Θεῦροι, Inscript. ap. Choiseul. Gouff. Voyage pittoresque, I. 2. p. 156. Here also they were in connexion with the temple of the Pythian Apollo.[49.]See Thuc. I. 84. Plat. Alcib. I. c. 38.[50.]VII. 2. 5. Engel de Rep. mil. Spart., a Göttingen prize Essay for 1790., where Cossacks, Spartans, and Cretans are classed together. Compare Heyne de Spartan. Rep. Comment. Götting. tom. IX. p. 8. It appears, indeed, from Aristotle Pol. VII. 14 (13) to have been the opinion of the writers who treated of the constitution of Sparta during the predominance of that state, that “the Lacedæmonians owed their external dominion to their constitution, according to which they had been trained to dangers and exertions from their youth (ὅτι διὰ τὸ γεγυμνάσθαι πρὸς τοῦς κινδύνους πολλῶν ἦρχον.)” But the intended effect of these institutions cannot be safely inferred from their actual consequences.[51.]IV. 126.[52.]Pausan. IV. 3. 3. συγχωροῦσιν ἈΝΑΔΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πρὸς τοὺς Δωριέας τὴν γῆν. Pausanias, however, very frequently makes use of this expression, and often perhaps without any historical ground.[53.]Why I take no further notice of the account of Ephorus is explained in book I. ch 5. § 13.[54.]Pausan. III. 22. 7.[55.]Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with Schweighæuser's note, Liv. XXXIV. 29. XXXVIII. 30.[56.]αὐτόνομοι, Pausan. III. 21. 6.[57.]III. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The other six were at the time of Pausanias either again comprised in Messenia, as Pharæ, which Augustus had annexed to Laconia, Paus. IV. 30. 2. after it had at an earlier period been separated with Thuria and Abea from Messenia, Polyb. XXV, 1. 1, or they had fallen to decay, and were then uninhabited, as Pephnos, Helos, Cyphanta, and Leucæ. Whether Abea was included by Augustus in Laconia is doubtful, but it is probable from the situation of the place. This, with the other five mentioned above, would therefore make the number twenty-four complete. As proofs of the late independence of these towns we may mention decrees of Abea, Geronthræ, Gytheium, Œtylus, and Tænarus (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307, 1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392, 1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394). There are also inscriptions of the Eleutherolacones jointly, τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλευθερολακώνων (ib. 1389). Likewise, according to Eckhel, there are genuine coins, belonging to this and the Roman period, of Asine, Asopus, Bœæ, Gytheium, and Las; those of Taletum and Cythera are doubtful.[58.]Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta must, however, have retained some outlet to the sea. The Lacedæmonian coast is also called the territory of the Periœci in Thucyd. III. 16.[59.]Thucyd. I. 101. The Θουριᾶται of Thuria, near Calamæ. Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment, p. 87.) proposes Αἰθαίῳ for Ληθαίῳ in Theognis v. 1216. Bekker.[60.]Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in v.[61.]See also in Αἰτωλία. They are also mentioned by Strabo, VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad Il. B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg. 418). They had not however any connexion with the Hecatombæa; for Argos had the same festival.[62.]See book I. ch. 7. § 16. Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls Anthana a Lacedæmonian city. See Æginetica, p. 46, note q, p. 185. note v. Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 38. 6.[63.]Book I. ch. 5. § 10.[64.]See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89. That even the Lacedæmonian πλῆθος did not comprise the Periœci, is shown, e.g., by Polybius IV. 34. 7, where it rejects the alliance of the Ætolians, chiefly on account of the fear that they would ἐξανδραποδίζεσθαι τοὺς Περιοίκους. The name Λακεδαιμόνιοι, which signifies all, Periœci and Spartans, and frequently the former, as the early inhabitants, in opposition to the latter, is no more a proof of political equality than the appellation Θεσσαλοὶ of the freedom of the Penestæ.[65.]Χωρίτης, as the Lacedæmonians are often called, is probably identical with περίοικος, Ælian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare χωριτίδες Βάκχαι, in Hesychius. Οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας in Athen. XV. p. 674 A. from Sosibius are opposed τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παισὶν (those educated in Sparta), and see Casaubon's note. The education of the Periœci was therefore entirely different from that of the Spartans.[66.]Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A. speaking of the Lacedæmonians having compelled the Periœci κατ᾽ ἄνδρα συμπαρατάττεσθαι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, confounds the Periœci with the Helots, as also in what follows.[67.]In later times very different proportions occur, e.g., a very small number of Spartans in the army, when the city stood in need of its own citizens, and could not send them to a distance, or from other causes.[68.]Herod. VII. 234.[69.]No disobedience of the Periœci can be inferred from Thucyd. IV. 8. Some Periœci deserted to Epaminondas, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23. Xenophon expresses himself more strongly, Hellen. VII. 2. 2.[70.]Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9.[71.]Thuc. IV. 53. cf. VII. 57.[72.]See Plin. H. N. IX. 36, 60. 21, 8. 36, 5. Comp. Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscherlisch ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7.[73.]Plutarch, Lyc. 4. Ælian, V. H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damascenus, and others.[74.]Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de Rep. II. 4. Corinthum pervertit aliquando—hic error ac dissipatio civium, quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi, et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant. Compare Hüllmann Staatsrecht, p. 128.[75.]Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.[76.]This follows from Xenoph. Rep. Lac. II. 2. καὶ ἱππεῦσι καὶ ὁπλίταις, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς χειροτέχναις.[77.]Critias Λακεδ. πολιτ. ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plutarch, Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI. 46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph. Cyrop. I. 2. 8.[78.]Athen. V. 198 D. 199 E.[79.]κύλιξ Λάκαινα, Hesych. in χῖον.[80.]Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.[81.]Meurs. II. 17.[82.]Theoph. Hist. Plant. III. 17. 3.[83.]Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz. in Λακεδ. and from him Eustath. II. p. 294, 5. Rom.[84.]Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653 B. Moser in Creuzer's Init. Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Compare also Liban. Or. p. 87. e cod. August. ed. Reiske.[85.]Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7. Plin. H. N. VII. 56. ξυήλη Λακωνικὴ Pollux, I. 10, 137. concerning which see Phot. and Suid. in v., who refer to Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. ἐγχειρίδιον, I. 10, 149. ferrei annuli, Plin. XXXIII. 4. μάστιγες, Steph. Eust. ubi sup.[86.]Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215 C. Steph. ubi sup. Hesych. in ἀμυκλαΐδες λακωνικὰ ὑποδήματα, cf. in ἐννήυσκλοι. Compare the shoes of the Amyclæan priestesses upon the monument of Amyclæ in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 454. Lacedæmonian men's shoes (ἁπλαῖ) are often mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph. Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 22, 80. cf. Meurs. I. 18.[87.]Λάκωνες ἐΰπεπλοι Epig. ap. Suid. in Λακωνικαί. Athen. V. 198. XI. 483 C. Compare [book IV. ch. 2. § 3].[88.]These mines are not indeed anywhere expressly mentioned, but we must infer their existence from the number of iron fabrics, and the cheapness of iron. See below, [ch. 10. § 9]. and book I. ch. 4. § 3.[89.]The stone quarries upon mount Taygetus were, however, according to Strabo VIII. p. 367, first opened by the Romans. Compare Xenoph. ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100. Interp. Juven. XI. 173. Meurs. II. 18. Pliny also mentions Lacedæmonian cotes and smaragdi.[90.]Compare Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung II. p. 51.[91.]My opinion is, that in the oracle (Diog. Laërt. I. 106. Comp. Casaubon and Menage) Ἠτεῖος was the correct reading, for which Οἰταῖος was long ago substituted from ignorance.—The point was doubted at an early period in antiquity; even Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears not to consider Myson as a Lacedæmonian. See also Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Paus. X. 24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in Χὴν and Ἠτία. There is a story in Plutarch, Quæst. Rom. 84, of Myson making in winter a fork for tossing the corn, and, when Chilon wondered at it, of his justifying himself by an apposite answer; where Myson is opposed, as a Periœcian farmer, to the noble Spartan.[92.]Paus. III. 22. 4.[93.]In a very rhetorical passage, Panathen. p. 270 D.[94.]Thuc. IV. 53. 54. Hesych. in Κυθηροδίκης.[95.]Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso, Sparta, vol. II. p. 516. It does not indeed follow that this Periœcus had authority over Lacedæmonians; but Sparta must have sent him out as a commander to the Chians.[96.]Herod. VI. 60. οὐ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην (in the ἀγῶνες κηρύκων, comp. Faber Agonist. II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 359.) ἐπιτιθέμενοι ἄλλοι σφέας παρακληίουσιν ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἐπιτελέουσι.[97.]Herod. VII. 134. τοῖσιν αἱ κηρυκηίαι αἱ ἐκ Σπάρτης πᾶσαι γέρας δίδονται.[98.]Θεοκήρυκες γένος τὸ ἀπὸ Ταλθυβίου παρὰ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΟΙΣ. Hesych. Perhaps Ἐλευθερολάκωσι. Hemsterhuis supposes that Eleutherna in Crete is alluded to. The common name of the herald in Sparta was Μούσαξ. See Valck. ad Adoniaz. p. 379.[99.]Pausan. III. 12. 6, 7. III. 23. 7.[100.]Herod. ubi sup.[101.]Herod. VII. 137.[102.]VI. 60. Concerning the ὀψοποιοὶ see Agatharch. ap. Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.[103.]Compare Athen. II. 39 C. with IV. 173 F.[104.]The Periœci also took part in the colonies of Sparta, e.g., of Heraclea Trachinia, where they probably belonged to the πολλοί; Thuc. III. 92, 93.[105.]Concerning the condition of the Helots, see, besides the more well-known books, Caperonnier, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XXIII. p. 271. Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst. 1730.[106.]Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365, according to Valckenær's emendation, Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 272. Even Hellanicus in Harpocration uses the word εἱλωτεύειν p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.; it is, however, uncertain whether the etymology there given is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph. Byz.[107.]This derivation was known in ancient times, e.g., Schol. Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apostol. VII. 62. Εἵλωτες οἱ ἐξ αἰχμαλωτῶν δοῦλοι. So also Δμῶς comes from δαμάω (ΔΕΜΩ). For the δμῶες, of whom there were large numbers (μάλα μύριοι, Od. XVII. 422. XIX. 78.) in the house of every prince (I. 397. VII. 225. Il. XIX. 333.), and who chiefly cultivated the land, cannot have been bought slaves (for the single examples to the contrary are rather exceptions), as this would suppose a very extensive traffic in slaves; nor could they have been persons taken accidentally in expeditions of plunder and war, as in that case there could not have been so large a number in every house; but they are probably persons who were taken at the original conquest of the soil. The passage, Od. I. 298. οὔς μοι ληίσσατο may be variously applied.—Concerning the etymology of Εἵλως, compare Lennep, Etymol. p. 257.[108.]Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265.[109.]See book I. ch. 4. § 7.[110.]Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365. So also Pausanias III. 20. 6. calls the Helots δοῦλοι τοῦ κοινοῦ. Comp. Herod. VI. 70. where the θεράποντες are Helots.[111.]Ephorus ubi sup. Ilotæ sunt jam inde antiquitus castellani, agreste genus. Liv. XXXIV. 27.[112.]Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255. where μισθῶσαι is an inaccurate expression.[113.]See book I. ch. 4. § 3. comp. particularly Polyb. V. 19.—Hesiod the poet of the Helots, according to the saying of the Spartan.[114.]Herod. IX. 80.[115.]Plutarch, Cleomen. 23. Manso, vol. I. p. 134.[116.]Plut. Lyc. 8. seventy for the master, twelve for the mistress of the house: compare ib. 24.[117.]

ὡσπερ ὄνοι μεγάλοις ἄχθεσι τειρόμενοι,
δεσποσύνοισι φέροντες ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ λυγρῆς
ἥμισυ πᾶν, ὅσσον καρπὸν ἄρουρα φέρει.

Fragm. 6. Gaisford. The passage is given in prose by Ælian V. II. VI. 1.

The oracle in Herod. IV. 159.