8. It is indeed clear that a custom of such general prevalence cannot have originated from any accidental impression or train of reasoning; but must have been founded on feelings natural to the whole Doric race. Now that the affection of the lover was not entirely mental, and that a pleasure in beholding the beauty and vigour, the manly activity and exercises[1409] of the youth was also present, is certain. But it is a very different question, whether this custom, universally prevalent both in Crete and Sparta, followed by the noblest men, by the legislators encouraged with all care, and having so powerful an influence on education, was identical with the vice to which in its name and outward form it is so nearly allied.
The subject should be carefully considered, before, with Aristotle, we answer this question in the affirmative, who not only takes the fact as certain, but even accounts for it by supposing that the custom was instituted by the legislator of Crete as a check to population.[1410] Is it, I ask, likely that so disgraceful a vice, not practised in secret, but publicly acknowledged and [pg 305] countenanced by the state, not confined to a few individuals, but common for centuries to the whole people, should really have existed, and this in the race of all the Greeks, the most distinguished for its healthy, temperate, and even ascetic habits? These difficulties must be solved before the testimony of Aristotle can be received.
I will now offer what appears to me the most probable view of this question. The Dorians seem in early times to have considered an intimate friendship and connexion between males as necessary for their proper education. But the objection which would have presented itself in a later age, viz. the liability to abuse of such a habit, had then no existence, as has been already remarked by a learned writer.[1411] And hence they saw no disadvantage to counterbalance the advantages which they promised themselves in the unrestrained intercourse which would be the natural consequence of the new institution. It is also true that the manners of simple and primitive nations generally have and need less restraint than those whom a more general intercourse and the greater facility of concealment have forced to enact prohibitory laws. This view is in fact confirmed by the declaration of Cicero, that the Lacedæmonians brought the lover into the closest relation with the object of his love, and that every sign of affection was permitted præter stuprum;[1412] [pg 306] for although in the times of the corruption of manners this proximity would have been attended with the most dangerous consequences, in early times it never would have been permitted, if any pollution had been apprehended from it. And we know from another source that this stuprum was punished by the Lacedæmonians most severely, viz. with banishment or death.[1413] It may be moreover added, that this pure connexion was encouraged by the Doric principle of taking the education from the hands of parents, and introducing boys in early youth to a wider society than their home could afford.[1414]
Chapter V.
§ 1. Education of the youth at Sparta. Its early stages. § 2. Its continuation after the twelfth year. § 3. Education of the youth in Crete. § 4. Nature of the education: gymnastic and music. § 5. Influence of the Dorians upon the national games. § 6. The Spartan youth trained to hardships. § 7. Military games at Crete and Sparta. § 8. Athletic exercises of the women.
1. The education of the youth (νεολαία)[1415] in the ancient Doric states of Sparta and Crete, was conducted, as might be supposed, on a very artificial system: indeed, the great number of classes into which the boys and youths were distributed, would itself lead us to this conclusion. For since this separation could not have been made without some aim, each class, we may conjecture, was treated in some way different from the rest, the whole forming a complete scale of mental or bodily acquirements.
Whether a new-born infant should be preserved or not, was decided in Lacedæmon by the state, i.e. a council composed of the elders of the house.[1416] This custom was not by any means more barbarous than that of the ancient world in general, which, in earlier times at least, gave the father full power over the lives of his children. Here we may perceive the great [pg 308] influence of the community over the education of its members, which should not, however, lead us to suppose that all connexion between parents and children was dissolved, or the dearest ties of nature torn asunder. Even Spartan mothers preserved a power over their sons when arrived at manhood, of which we find no trace in the rest of Greece. Agesilaus riding before his children on a stick[1417] presents a true picture of the education,[1418] which was entrusted entirely to the parents[1419] till the age of seven; at which period the public and regular education (ἀγωγὴ)[1420] commenced. This was in strictness enjoyed only by the sons of Spartans (πολιτικοὶ παῖδες),[1421] and the mothaces (slaves brought up in the family) selected to share their education: sometimes also Spartans of half-blood were admitted.[1422] This education was one chief requisite for a free citizen;[1423] whoever refused to submit to it,[1424] suffered a partial [pg 309] loss of his rights; the immediate heir to the throne was the only person excepted,[1425] whilst the younger sons of the kings were brought up in the herd (ἀγέλη). Leonidas and Agesilaus, two of the noblest princes of Sparta, submitted when boys to the correction of their masters.
2. From the twelfth year[1426] upwards, the education of boys was much more strict. About the age of sixteen or seventeen they were called σιδεῦναι.[1427] At the expiration of his eighteenth year, the youth emerged from childhood, the first years of this new rank being distinguished by separate terms.[1428] During the progress from the condition of an ephebus to manhood, the young Spartans were called Sphæreis,[1429] probably because their chief exercise was foot-ball, which game [pg 310] was carried on with great emulation, and indeed resembled a battle rather than a diversion.[1430] In their nineteenth year they were sent out on the crypteia,[1431] at twenty they served in the ranks, their duties resembling those of the περίπολοι at Athens. Still the youths, although they were now admitted to the public banquets,[1432] remained in the divisions, which were called ἀγέλαι, or in the Spartan dialect βοῦαι,[1433] and distributed into smaller troops (called ἴλαι).[1434] The last name was also applied to a troop of horse,[1435] and is one amongst several other proofs,[1436] that, in early times at least, the exercise of riding was one of the principal occupations of the youths of Sparta. In these divisions all distinction of age was lost, the leaders of them were taken from among the Irenes,[1437] and exercised great powers over the younger members; for the use of which they were in their turn responsible to every citizen of a more advanced age,[1438] and particularly to the paidonomus, a magistrate of very extensive authority.[1439] His assistants were the floggers, or mastigophori, who were selected from the young men,[1440] the buagi or managers of the buæ;[1441] besides which, there were certain [pg 311] officers appointed to manage the boys, called ampaides.[1442] A similar arrangement was adopted in the societies of the girls and young women.[1443] Theocritus, in his Epithalamium of Helen, represents 240 young women of the same age, as joining in the daily exercises and games.[1444] And whilst Doric customs prevailed at Croton, the daughter of Pythagoras (according to Timæus)[1445] was several times appointed leader of the young women and matrons.