Yet the history of the Peloponnesian war and of the period immediately following, being that part of the history of Greece which is clearest to our view, presents several distinguished and genuine Lacedæmonians, who may be divided into two distinct classes. Of these the first is marked by a cunning and artful disposition, combined with great vigour of mind, and a patriotism sometimes attended with contempt of other Greeks. Such was Lysander,[1852] a powerful revolutionist; who, concentrating in his own person the [pg 405] efforts of numerous oligarchical clubs and factions, by the strict consistency of his principles, and by his art in carrying them into effect, for some time swayed the destinies of Greece; until Agesilaus, whom he had himself improvidently raised to the throne, restored in place of his usurped power the legitimate authority of the Heraclide dynasty; this doubtless suggested to Lysander the idea of overthrowing the royal authority, and helped to bring on that deep melancholy which preyed upon his strong mind during his latter years.[1853] Similar in character to Lysander was Dercylidas, a man of extraordinary practical talent; who by his artfulness (which, however, was accompanied by uprightness of mind) obtained the nickname of Sisyphus.[1854] But Sparta had at the same time men of a contrary disposition, in whom, as Plutarch says of Callicratidas, the simple and genuine Doric manners of ancient times were alive and in vigour.[1855] This Callicratidas had at the very beginning of his career to contend with his partisans of Lysander, and resolutely resisted his club or association,[1856] being also directly opposed to them in disposition. He deplored the necessity which compelled him to beg for subsidies from the Persians; dealt uprightly and honestly with the allies; disdained all power and authority which did not emanate from the state; refused to do anything by private connexions or influence, and showed himself everywhere humane, magnanimous, and heroic; in short, he was a faultless hero, unless perhaps we [pg 406] should blame him for his too hasty self-immolation at the battle of Arginusæ.[1857] We can easily understand how the Greeks of Asia should have admired the virtues and greatness of the youthful hero, like the beauty of an heroic statue,[1858] but were at the same time more pleased with the proceedings of Lysander, as being better suited to the times. In Brasidas we admire chiefly the manner in which the same elevation of mind was combined with a particular skill in controlling and availing itself of the circumstances of the times; but we must hurry on to Pedaritus the son of Teleutia, who is an instance that all the harmosts of Sparta did not yield to the many temptations of their situation.[1859] But a more singular character was Lichas, the son of Arcesilaus, of whom we will give a slight sketch. He was chiefly distinguished by his liberality: whence by means of great banquets at the Gymnopædia,[1860] and by his victories in the chariot race at Olympia,[1861] he increased the fame of his city; by his boldness, which was even shown in his conduct at Olympia, at a time when the Spartans were excluded from the contests;[1862] but which was still more conspicuous in his truly Spartan declaration to the satrap Tissaphernes;[1863] and, lastly, by his policy in endeavouring to prevent the premature aggression of the Ionians against the Persians.[1864]
6. The flourishing age of Crete, in manners as well as in power, is anterior to the historical period; [pg 407] and the early corruption of her ancient institutions was accompanied with universal barbarism and degeneracy. Of her maritime sovereignty of the mythical age nothing but piracy remained; the different states were not combined under the supremacy of a single city; and, even in the reign of Alcamenes, Sparta attempted to settle the mutual dissensions of those very cities[1865] which it had a century before taken for the models of its own constitution. The Cretans did not, however, confine their quarrelsome disposition to domestic feuds; but they began in early times to hire themselves as mercenaries to foreign states, which was certainly one cause of the internal corruption that made this once illustrious island act so ignoble a part in the history of Greece. If the verse of Epimenides (cited by St. Paul[1866]) is genuine, that prophet so early as about 600 B.C. accused his countrymen of being habitual liars, evil beasts, and indolent gluttons. Yet some particular cities (among which we may especially mention the Spartan town of Lyctus) retained with their ancient institutions the noble and pure customs of better times.[1867]
We have already more than once had occasion to explain how about the time of the Persian war Argos, by the changes in its constitution, and the direction of its policy, succeeded in obliterating almost every trace of the Doric character:[1868] but one revolution only led to another, and none produced a stable and healthy [pg 408] state of affairs. Argos indeed only adopted the worst part of the republican institutions of Athens; for their better parts could not be naturalized in a people of a race and nature totally different.[1869]
But that Rhodes preserved to the latest period of Grecian independence many features of the Doric character we have already remarked.[1870] Still this island had, particularly in the time of Artemisia the Second, adopted many Asiatic customs; which, when mixed with those of a Greek origin, formed a peculiar compound; of which the Rhodian oratory, painting,[1871] and sculpture, should be considered as the products. The latter art had flourished there from ancient times; but later it took a particular turn towards the colossal, the imposing, and the grand style. The Laocoon and the Toro Farnese are in the number of its finest productions.[1872] Its manners are described by the saying that Rhodes was the town of wooers. There was also another proverb, that the Rhodians were “white Cyrenæans;” their luxury forming the point of resemblance, and their colour the difference.[1873]
The character of Corinth likewise, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, was made up of rather discordant elements; for while there were still considerable remains of the Doric disposition, and its political conduct was some time guided by the principles of that race, there was also, the consequence of its situation and trade,[1874] a great bias to splendour and magnificence, [pg 409] which showed itself in the Corinthian order; but which, when abandoned by the graces and refinements of luxury, soon degenerated into debauchery and vice.[1875]
The character of Corcyra we have attempted to delineate above.[1876]
Syracuse, though highly distinguished for its loyalty and affection to its mother-state, necessarily deviated widely from the character of Corinth. For while in the narrow and rocky territory of Corinth the crops were with difficulty extorted from the soil,[1877] in the colony, a large and fertile district, which was either held by the Syracusans, or was tributary to them, furnished to an over-peopled city a plentiful supply of provisions without foreign importation.[1878] In addition to this abundance, the early preponderance of democracy, and still more the levity, cunning, and address which were natural to the people of Sicily, tended to modify, or partly to destroy, the original Doric character. The Syracusans were, according to Thucydides, among all the adversaries of the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, most like them in their customs and disposition.[1879] It is ever to be lamented that such remarkable talents, as showed themselves among the Syracusans between the 70th and [pg 410] 90th Olympiads, should have been without a regulating and guiding judgment: their most frequent error both in the state and army being a want of order[1880]; and their knowledge of this defect was the reason why they so frequently threw themselves blindly into the arms of single individuals.[1881]
The vicinity of Corinth had undoubtedly a great influence on Sicyon; yet that city, though it had a navy, was nevertheless without any considerable foreign trade or colonies. The restraints and monotony of life were undoubtedly less than at Sparta,[1882] but there was greater severity of manners than at Corinth. Sicyon was one of the earliest cradles of the arts and literature of the Dorians,[1883] and enjoyed a high distinction among the cities of Peloponnesus.[1884]
Phlius, having no communication with the sea, was destitute of all resources except its fertile valley; but this sufficed to give it considerable importance and power.[1885] The loyalty and bravery of its inhabitants[1886] deserved the partiality with which Xenophon has written the most distinguished period of its history.[1887]
Megara was unfortunately hemmed in between powerful neighbours; and on account of the scanty produce of its stony and mountainous, though well cultivated[1888] land, and the consequent deficiency of provisions, it was wholly dependent on the Athenian market, whither the Megarians were accustomed to [pg 411] carry their manufactures[1889] and some few raw materials. The weakness of this state had early an influence on the manners and morals of the people; the tears and mirth of the Megarians were turned into ridicule by their Athenian neighbours,[1890] who (according to the saying) would “rather be the ram than the son of a Megarian.” And at last the oracle itself declared them an insignificant and worthless people.