This diplomatist, who was no great friend of Galileo’s, found himself in an awkward position; he had been, on the one hand, enjoined by his sovereign to support Galileo as far as it lay in his power, while on the other he knew that the influential female members of the house of Medici were very anxious to maintain the good relations of Tuscany with the Holy See; and he tried to extricate himself from this dilemma by urgently seeking to effect the recall of the inconvenient guest to Florence. This object runs through all the ambassador’s despatches to Cosmo II. He could not depict in colours too glaring the passion, fanaticism, and pertinacity with which, in spite of all advice to the contrary, Galileo defended the Copernican cause at Rome, though he was thereby doing it more harm than good. The long report of Guiccardini to the Grand Duke, of 4th March, 1616,[152] held to be authentic by most of Galileo’s biographers, is couched in this tone. Among other things a dramatic scene is narrated which was the immediate cause of the condemnation of the Copernican system. Cardinal Orsini, one of Galileo’s warmest friends, to whom the Grand Duke had sent an autograph letter of introduction, had spoken to the Pope in favour of Galileo in the consistory of 2nd March. The Pope replied that it would be well if he would persuade Galileo to give up this opinion. Orsini then tried to urge the Pope further, but he cut him short, saying that he had handed over the whole affair to the Holy Office. No sooner had Orsini retired than Bellarmine, the celebrated Jesuit theologian, was summoned to the Pope, and in the conversation that ensued it was determined that this opinion of Galileo’s was erroneous and heretical.
Guiccardini must have been greatly misinformed to send reports so incorrect to his court. As we have seen, on 19th February the Qualifiers of the Holy Office were summoned to pronounce an opinion on the Copernican doctrines, and as the result Galileo was summoned seven days later to appear before Bellarmine, who informed him of the decree, and admonished him to renounce the prohibited doctrine. But all this seems to have escaped the acuteness of the Tuscan ambassador. He supposes that the catastrophe had been brought about by a fit of papal anger! On 4th March he only knows what was known the next day to all the world—by the decree of the Congregation of the Index—that the writings of Copernicus and other authors on the subject of the double motion were to be partly condemned, partly corrected, and partly prohibited.
Guiccardini in this despatch represented, on the one hand, the difficulties into which the imprudent astronomer “might” bring himself by his vehemence, and on the other the embarrassment in which those who took his part would be placed; he reminded the Grand Duke of the attitude which his house had at all times assumed in the past towards such attacks on the Church of God, and of the services it had rendered to the Inquisition, adding that he “could not approve that we should expose ourselves to such annoyances and dangers without very good reason, and a different prospect from that of great damage.” The most potent argument, however, which he saved for the close of his long epistle of 4th March, as the climax, was the endeavour to inspire Cosmo II. with the fear that his brother, Cardinal Carlo de’ Medici, who was just coming to Rome, would compromise himself by his relations with Galileo.
From Galileo’s correspondence with Picchena, we learn in contradiction to this despatch what it was that induced him to linger at Rome after the issue of the decree of 5th March. He did not wish to return to Florence under the impressions produced by the alarming reports of Guiccardini and the rumours spread by many of his opponents. It is evident that he was aware of what was said of him from a passage in a letter to Picchena of 6th March. After expressing a fear that somebody not friendly to him might represent his affairs to the Tuscan Secretary of State and others in a false light, he entreats Picchena to maintain, until his return, the good opinion of him which his sincerity deserves. He is convinced that the arrival of Cardinal de’ Medici will relieve him from the need of uttering one word of self-justification, as he will hear at once what an excellent reputation he enjoyed at the Court of Rome. He then goes on, as if directly refuting Guiccardini’s accusations:—
“Then your Grace will learn, above all, with what composure and moderation I have conducted myself, and what regard I have had for the honour and good repute of those who have eagerly tried to injure mine and certainly your Grace will be surprised. I say this to you, most honoured sir, in case any false accusations of the kind should reach your ears from any quarter; and I hope that credit will be given to a party not adverse to me, so that a more just understanding may be arrived at.”
Meanwhile Galileo’s position became more favourable, because the Pope received the submissive philosopher very graciously on 11th March, and gave him an audience which lasted three-quarters of an hour. He seized the opportunity of speaking to Paul V. of the intrigues of his enemies, and of some of the false accusations against him; to which the Pope replied that he was well aware of the rectitude and sincerity of his sentiments. And when Galileo, in conclusion, expressed his fears of the perpetual persecutions of relentless malice, the Pope consoled him by saying that he need not fear, for he was held in so much esteem by himself and the whole Congregation, that they would not listen to these calumnies, and as long as he occupied the chair of St. Peter, Galileo might feel himself safe from all danger. Paul V. also repeatedly expressed his readiness to show his favour by his actions.
Galileo hastened on the very next day to make known the favourable result of this audience to Picchena, the Secretary of State, in a long letter.[153] The effect of it, however, was quite different from what he probably expected. The Court of Tuscany, which had been not a little disquieted by Guiccardini’s alarming despatch, thought it a good opportunity to press upon Galileo, now that his fame was so brilliantly re-established, to leave Rome and return to Florence. This was the tenor of Picchena’s reply of 20th March.[154] Their highnesses, evidently still under the impression of Guiccardini’s letter, implored Galileo to be quiet, and no longer to discuss this dangerous subject, but to return.
Encouraged by the Pope’s friendly words, however, Galileo showed no disposition to take these plain hints, and we learn from his further correspondence that his tarriance at Rome was fully approved by the Tuscan Court. Thus we read in a letter of 26th March: “As to my return, unless his Highness wishes it otherwise, I shall, in accordance with your commands, await the arrival of his Reverence the Cardinal.” And further on: “After the arrival of the Cardinal I shall stay here as long as his Highness or the Cardinal pleases.”[155]
To the great annoyance of Guiccardini, Galileo remained three months longer at Rome—beneath those skies which, according to the ambassador, must prove dangerous to him in consequence of his vehement temperament, “especially at a time when the ruler of the eternal city hates science and polite scholars, and cannot endure these innovations and subtleties.” This portrait of Paul V. was undoubtedly a correct one. He cared very little for learning, and displayed a harsh and sometimes savage character; while the inviolability of the dogmas of the Church, ecclesiastical privileges, and blind obedience to the faith, were supreme in his eyes. We will just remind our readers that it was Paul V. who, just after his elevation to the papacy, had a poor wretch, named Piccinardi, beheaded, because, for his private amusement, he had written a biography of Clement VIII., in which he was not very aptly compared with the Emperor Tiberius, although the work was not intended for publication,—a sentence which occasioned great consternation.