Altogether the position of affairs seemed remarkably favourable for the publication of the “Dialogues.” Galileo’s devoted adherent, Castelli, had been summoned to Rome in 1624 by Urban VIII., and enjoyed great consideration with the powerful family of Barberini, to whose youngest scion, Taddeo, he gave instruction in mathematics. This long-tried friend informed Galileo in a letter of 6th February,[220] that Father Riccardi, who meanwhile had been raised to the office of chief censor of the press (Magister Sacri Palatii) had promised his ready assistance in Galileo’s affairs. Castelli also expressed his conviction that, as far as Riccardi was concerned, he would find no difficulty. Another piece of information in the same letter, however, was not quite so satisfactory; the personage second in importance at the papal court, Urban’s brother, Cardinal Antonio Barberini, had, when Castelli told him of the completion of the “Dialogues,” said nothing particular against the theory itself, so far as it was treated as a hypothesis, but had made the just remark that the earth, if it revolved round the sun, must be a star, an idea “which was too far opposed to theological truth.” Castelli appeased the cardinal by assuring him that Galileo had weighty arguments against this, and it is characteristic of the prevailing confusion of ideas on astronomical subjects, that Barberini thought this possible, and that Castelli wrote to Galileo that he would not find it hard to steer clear of this rock. Another instance of the trammels placed by religion on the advancement of science.
A second letter of Castelli’s to Galileo of 16th March, 1630, contains far more important and encouraging intelligence. According to this, Thomas Campanella[221] had told the Pope at an audience, that a short time before he had tried to convert some German nobles to the Catholic faith, that he had found them favourably disposed, but when they heard of the prohibition of the Copernican system, they were so indignant that he could do nothing more with them. To this Urban replied: “It never was our intention; and if it had depended upon us, that decree would not have been passed.”[222] These pregnant words, coolly uttered by Urban, when repeated to Galileo were well calculated to mislead him into infringing the decree, in the spirit if not in the letter. They seem, however, to have been at least as incorrect as the reply reported on the same subject to Cardinal Hohenzollern in 1624. Urban entirely forgot that he had not interceded in any way in 1616 for the astronomical system threatened with condemnation. And his conduct showed that he must have been a party to it. We need only call to mind how inexorable he had been on the question in 1624 to Galileo himself, and how sternly he afterwards allowed proceedings to be taken against him. Urban could only have acted in this way because he was convinced of the danger of the Copernican system to the Christian philosophy. And he was far too shrewd not to perceive how the modern views threatened a religion based upon ancient astronomy. His remark to Campanella, therefore, was nothing but smooth words, and this is fully confirmed by subsequent events. But they could not fail to inspire Galileo with confidence that under Urban VIII. an ingenious circumvention of the decree would give no offence at the Vatican. Besides this, Castelli reported in the same letter that Mgr. Ciampoli, who was also well informed, was firmly convinced that Galileo’s personal appearance at Rome would immediately remove any difficulty that might occur about publishing the “Dialogues.”[223] Another letter from Castelli of 6th April urged him to set out for the papal residence, where, to quote the words of Ciampoli, “they were longing for him more than for a lady love.”[224]
Full of hope from these promising reports, on 3rd May Galileo arrived at Rome with the MS. of his “Dialogues.” And events during his two months’ stay seemed to realise his expectations. Soon after his arrival he had a long audience of Urban VIII., and wrote on 18th May in high spirits to Florence:—“His Holiness has begun to treat my affairs in a way that permits me to hope for a favourable result.”[225] Riccardi also met Galileo, as was to be expected from Castelli’s letters, in the most obliging way. Galileo showed him his work with the express request that he would examine it closely. The papal censor, however, could not but perceive, with all his personal regard for Galileo, that in his “Dialogues” he had by no means always kept, de facto, within the limits of hypothetical treatment of the Copernican system, and in some parts had far exceeded them. He decided, therefore, both as his official duty and in the interest of Galileo himself, to have the book altered to the hypothetical standpoint. Many corrections were to be made, and both preface and conclusion were to be altered so as to agree with them. Riccardi intrusted the first task to his official assistant, Father Rafael Visconti, who seemed well qualified for it in his capacity of professor of mathematics. He executed it with equal prudence and ingenuity, improved many passages, and finally approved the work thus revised.
The middle of June had meanwhile arrived, and Galileo was anxious to leave Rome on account of the heat. But Riccardi wished to look through the “Dialogues” once more after they had been revised by Visconti, before giving them his imprimatur. Galileo represented that this second revision was not customary, and succeeded in inducing Riccardi to grant permission for the printing for Rome.[226]
On the other hand, Galileo undertook to fashion the beginning and end of the work in accordance with a plan of the supreme authorities of the censorship. There were also still a few passages to be personally discussed with the author; and as he was unable to stay longer at Rome without danger to his health, which was already beginning to suffer, it was agreed that he should return in the autumn, and meanwhile[227] he would prepare the index and the dedication to the Grand Duke, and revise the preface and conclusion. The main condition, however, under which Riccardi gave the book his imprimatur, was that after its final completion it should be submitted to him; and in order to avoid loss of time, he engaged to look it through sheet by sheet, and to send each at once to press after inspection. As was usual in the case of members of the Accadémia dei Lincei, the work was to be published in the name of this society, and the president, Prince Cesi, was to see it through the press.
So at the end of June[228] Galileo returned to Florence with his MS. and the ecclesiastical imprimatur, which was granted bona fide for Rome without reserve. There were indeed sundry conditions attached to it, to be arranged privately; but they seemed to present so little difficulty, that a few days after he left on 29th June, Niccolini reported to Cioli that Signor Galileo left last Wednesday, perfectly satisfied, and with his affairs quite settled.[229]
But events were now at hand which long deferred Galileo’s ardent desire to see the results of his unwearied researches and labours speedily given to the world, and which involved complications afterwards taken advantage of by his enemies to effect the ruin of their great opponent.