Galileo’s deep depression is most evident from a long letter of 13th October addressed to a cardinal of the Barberini family,[298] which was to reach him through Niccolini. Galileo remarks first that he and his friends had foreseen that his “Dialogues” would find opponents, but he had never imagined that the envious malice of some persons would go so far as to persuade the authorities that they were not worthy to see the light. He goes on to say that the summons before the Inquisition at Rome had caused him the deepest grief, for he feared that such a proceeding, usual only in the case of serious delinquents, would turn the fruits of all his studies and labours during many years, which had lent no little repute to his name with the learned all over the world, into aspersions on his fair fame. “This vexes me so much,” continues Galileo, “that it makes me curse the time devoted to these studies in which I strove and hoped to deviate somewhat from the beaten track generally pursued by learned men. I not only repent having given the world a portion of my writings, but feel inclined to suppress those still in hand, and to give them to the flames, and thus satisfy the longing desire of my enemies to whom my ideas are so inconvenient.” After this desperate cry from his oppressed soul, he expresses his conviction that, burdened with seventy years and many bodily sufferings, increased by constant sleeplessness, he shall not reach the end of this tedious journey—made more arduous by unusual difficulties—alive. Impelled by the instinct of self-preservation common to all men, he ventures to ask the good offices of the cardinal. He begs him to represent his pitiable condition to the wise fathers in Rome, not to release him from giving account of himself, which he is most anxious to do, as he is sure that it will only tend to his advantage, but only that it may be made easier for him to obey. There are two ways of doing this. One is for him to write a minute and conscientious vindication of all that he has said, written, or done since the day when the conflict began on Copernicus’s book and his new system. He is certain that his sincerity and his pure, zealous, and devout attachment to the holy Church and its supreme head, would be so obvious from this statement, that every one, if he were free from passion and party malice, must confess that he had behaved so piously and like a good Catholic, that not even any of the fathers of the Church to whom the epithet holy is applied, could have shown more piety. He asserts and will indisputably prove, by all the works he has written on this subject, that he has only entered into the controversy out of zeal for the holy Church, with the intention of imparting to her servants that knowledge which one or other of them might wish to possess, and which he had acquired by long study, as it treated of subjects difficult to understand and different from the learning generally cultivated. He will also show how many opinions contained in the writings of the fathers of the Church had been an encouragement to him, and how he was “finally confirmed in his intention by hearing a short but holy and admirable address, which came unexpectedly, like an echo of the Holy Spirit, from the lips of a personage eminent in learning and revered for his sanctity of life.” But for the present he will not give this admirable saying, nor the speaker’s name, as it does not seem prudent or suitable to involve any one in the present affair which concerns him personally alone.[299] Having in a touching manner begged that what he should write may be read, and declared that should his vindication not give satisfaction on all points he will reply in detail to objections, he proceeds to the second means of averting the journey to Rome.
He only wishes that his adversaries would be as ready to commit to paper what they have perhaps verbally and ad aures said against him, as he was to defend himself in writing. If they will not accept his written vindication, and still insist upon a verbal one, there was an Inquisitor, Nuncius, archbishop, and other high officials of the Church at Florence, whose summons he was quite ready to obey. He says:—“It appears to me that things of much greater importance are decided by this tribunal. And it is not likely that under the keen and watchful eyes of those who examined my book with full liberty to omit, to add, and to alter as seemed good to them, errors so weighty could escape that the authorities of this city should be incompetent to correct or punish them.” This passage again clearly indicates that Galileo knew nothing whatever of the prohibition of 1616; that he had no idea of having broken his word to the ecclesiastical authorities. His only thought is of a revision of his work as the result of a conviction that it contained errors.[300]
The letter to the cardinal concludes with the following assurance:—“If neither my great age, nor my many bodily infirmities, nor the deep concern I feel, nor the wearisomeness of a journey under the present most unfavourable circumstances, are considered sufficient reasons, by this high and sacred tribunal, for granting a dispensation, or at least a delay, I will undertake the journey, esteeming obedience more than life.”[301]
Niccolini could not deliver this letter to the cardinal immediately, as he was just then absent from Rome. He received however, at the same time, an urgent petition from another quarter. Michael Angelo the younger wrote to this dignitary, with whom he was on friendly terms, and entreated him, out of consideration for the philosopher’s age and infirmities, to use his powerful influence to get his affairs settled at Florence.[302] But there was a long delay before Galileo’s letter was delivered to the cardinal. The ambassador wished first to consult Castelli, whom the Grand Duke had appointed as his counsel in Galileo’s affairs, whether it was to be delivered. Niccolini had doubts about these explanations, and expressed them both in a letter to Galileo of 23rd October,[303] and in a despatch to Cioli of the 24th.[304] In the former Niccolini says that he thinks Galileo’s letter is more calculated to incense them against him than to pacify them, and the more he asserted that he could defend his work the more it would be thought that it ought to be condemned. He thinks that a delay will be granted to the accused of his journey to Rome, but that he will not be released from it on any consideration. Niccolini gave him the following friendly hint as to the attitude he should maintain: “It appears desirable not to enter into any defence of things which the Congregation do not approve, but to submit and to recant what the cardinals may desire; for to speak as a Christian, one must not maintain anything, but what they, as the highest tribunal, that cannot err, please.”[305] By such conduct the ambassador hopes for an easier solution of the question; not, however, without its coming to an actual trial, and Galileo may even be somewhat restricted in his personal liberty. He has great doubts about the passage referring to an “admirable address, which came unexpectedly like an echo of the Holy Spirit from the lips of a personage eminent in learning and revered for his sanctity of life,” as he thinks that if the letter is handed to the cardinal, he will hand it to the Congregation, and the cardinals may request to be informed who this personage is. At all events he would like first to consult Castelli, who was not just then at Rome.
The result of the consultation was, however, to deliver the letter to Barberini. Niccolini reported to Galileo on 6th November,[306] that he had received it in a very friendly spirit, and was altogether very kindly disposed towards him. The ambassador does not doubt that a delay will at any rate be granted, that Galileo may make the journey to Rome with less inconvenience.[307] We learn from a document in Gherardi’s archives, that Galileo’s petitions were discussed at a sitting of the Congregation of the Holy Office held on 11th November, in presence of the Pope, but that he would not grant them, and decreed that Galileo must obey, and ordered that the Inquisitor at Florence should be written to that he might compel Galileo to come to Rome.[308]
Niccolini, meanwhile, was unwearied in trying to get Galileo’s proposals accepted. He went to Cardinal Ginetti, who was a member of the Congregation and in high favour with the Pope, and to Mgr. Boccabella, assessor of the Holy Office, and represented to both Galileo’s great age, his failing health, and the peril to his life of a journey through quarantine and plague. But as both prelates, on whom as members of the Holy Office strict secrecy was imposed, “only heard what he had to say, and answered nothing,” Niccolini went to the Pope himself, to make one more attempt. Having as he thought put the imperious pontiff into the best of humours, by assuring him that the unfortunate savant was ready to render prompt obedience to every command, he laid all the circumstances before him, and used all his eloquence to awaken pity for the infirm old man. But in vain. Niccolini asked at last whether his Holiness had not seen Galileo’s letter to Cardinal Barberini; and he said he had, but in spite of all that the journey to Rome could not be dispensed with. “Your Holiness incurs the danger,” replied Niccolini, “considering Galileo’s great age, of his being tried neither in Rome nor Florence; for I assure your Holiness that he may die on the way under all these difficulties combined with so much anxiety.” “He can come very slowly (pian piano) in a litter, with every comfort, but he really must be tried here in person. May God forgive him for having been so deluded as to involve himself in these difficulties, from which we had relieved him when we were cardinal.” This was the Pope’s stern reply to the ambassador’s urgent representations. And when he remarked that it was the sanction given to the book here which had occasioned all this, because from the signature, and the orders given to the Inquisitor at Florence, they felt quite secure, and had proceeded without scruple, Urban broke out into violent complaints about the conduct of Father Riccardi and Mgr. Ciampoli, and repeated that it was a question of a most pernicious doctrine.[309]
Niccolini, seeing that his efforts were in vain retired, but only to hasten to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, and to entreat him to take up the cause of this persecuted man. But the cardinal made the pertinent excuse that he could not act against the Pope’s will, but he would procure all possible relaxation of the strict quarantine regulations for Galileo. Niccolini could not even obtain any definite promise of delay; and, much discomfited and with profound sorrow, he communicated the results of his sincere and unwearied endeavours in a letter to Galileo of 13th November, 1632, and a despatch to Cioli of the same date.[310]
A few days after the receipt of this bad news, on 19th November, Galileo was summoned before the Inquisitor at Florence for the second time, in accordance with the papal mandate of 11th November. He sent the following report of it on 20th November, to Rome:—
“I have again summoned Galileo Galilei, who said that he was perfectly willing to go to Rome, and only hesitated on account of his advanced age, his evident ill health, the circumstance that he was under medical treatment, and many other things. I then charged him to comply with the order to go to Rome, and in presence of a notary and two witnesses gave him a respite of one month. He again appeared quite willing, but I do not know whether he will go. I told him what I had received.”[311]
On 9th December the papal orders were issued to the Inquisitor at Florence, as soon as the month had elapsed, to compel Galileo to set out for Rome.[312] Niccolini wrote to Cioli on the 11th[313] and to Galileo on the 12th[314] December, that he had again tried to procure a longer respite, but had found it impossible. He moreover strongly advised Galileo to set out as soon as possible, and stay for at least twenty days’ quarantine somewhere within the territory of Siena, as this prompt obedience would be greatly to his advantage at Rome.